o George Washington, Patrick Henry “Give me Liberty or give me death!” Thomas Jefferson “All man are created equal”, George Mason (Virginia Declaration of Rights), Ben Franklin.

o Slavery=owning, buying, selling, trading, breeding human beings!

o 17 of the men at the Founding convention owned about 1,400 people.

o Slavery was as American as apple pie…and George Washington

o Predates the American Revolution by 157 years (1776-1619)

o First abolitionists were Christians--Quakers

o Even the founders did not give up their slaves after the Revolution

o Washington…when his wife died, Jefferson never freed his…sold some to make money and they eventually went free…but none freed because of principle

o American slavery…especially harsh…no way to get out of it…no way your kids could get out of it…older societies…buy your freedom…fight for freedom

o English slavery was permanent…race based…it became a business in and of itself

o Africans were suited for work in the south, easily identified, they were terrified, had no where to run (not like Indians)

o By the time the English came to America, Black Slavery was being practiced by Spanish folk in South America and Mexico

o African slave trade started in 1444 by Prince Henry “the Navigator,” use these Africans in the mines of South America

o Spanish replace by the Dutch and the English replaced the Dutch in 1713

o May of 1652…Rhode Island outlaws slavery

is debated. The delegates compromise on the three areas concerning slavery:

v     Slavery or the slave trade cannot be restricted by law for twenty years.

v     Slavery can be taxed.

v     Slaves will be counted at three fifths of their total population for the purpose of determining representation in the House of Representatives.

Day 3

JUSH

Mar. 21, 1B

Mar. 22, 1A & 3A

Home Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

What you will see

Civil War starts April 12, 1861

Charleston, South Carolina—Fort Sumter

Confederate gunners shoot at Fort Sumter at 4:30am, April 12, 1861

No one died at Sumter—bloodless opening to bloodiest war in American history.

Changes everything in America

No more slavery

No more Southern Aristocracy

New political order

New social order

New Economic order

Rise of big business

Rise of big industry

Rise of big government

First “modern war”

Only war fought on American Territory

Answered a question; “can a state secede” (leave the Union?)

Watch Episode One Ken Burns’: The Civil War

Introduction

All Night Forever

Are We Free

A House Divided

The Meteor

Secessionitis (Stop Here)

4:30am, April 12, 1861

Traitors and Patriots

Gun Men

Manassas

A Thousand Mile Front

Absent; take two pages of notes on any of the following

John Brown

Frederick Douglass Autobiography

Berkeley Copy: http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/Literature/Douglass/Autobiography/

Points of emphasis T-F Topic 19

Continue: Topic 19 (Notes): The South and the Slavery Controversy, 1793-1860

Points of emphasis T-F Topic 19 (Notes): The South and the Slavery Controversy, 1793-1860:

1. After about 1800, the prosperity (wealth) of the North and South became heavily dependent on growing manufacturing and exporting cotton. Motto of the South—“Cotton is King!” Never believed that anyone would mess with the production of cotton/which was linked to slavery. South thought they were “untouchable.” They knew people in the north did not like slavery…but what are you going to do? Bankrupt yourself by interfering with the production of the #1 export in America---cotton?

2. The southern planter aristocracy (few rich control everything) was strongly attracted to medieval cultural ideals. Thought of themselves as princes and princesses—old time royalty. Medieval times—work was done by serfs/peasants…gentleman or woman did not work! This is un-American—in America—especially in the North—work is honored. Royal type lifestyle is not consistent with American values.

3. The growing of cotton on large plantations was economically inefficient and agriculturally unsound. Growing cotton wrecked the soil! Grew the same crop year after year and the soil loses its nutrients. If you tie your economy to one crop…and that crop goes bad—you lose everything…must diversify how you raise your money.

4. Most slaveholders in the south had less than ten slaves. Big plantations with 100 or more slaves were few but that is where a lot of slaves lived. Question is going to be why do folks with few or no slaves support the idea of fighting for slavery?

5. In 1860, three-fourths of all white southerners owned no slaves at all. They support slavery because they dream of being a successful slave owner….someday.

6. Poor whites supported slavery because it made them feel racially superior and because they hoped someday to be able to buy slaves.

7. The one group of southern whites who opposed slavery consisted of those who lived in mountain areas far from plantations and from blacks.

8. Free blacks did not enjoy considerable status and wealth in both the North and the South before the Civil War.

9. Slave owners generally treated their black slaves as a valuable economic investment.

10. Slavery seemed to strengthen the black family.

11. American slaves used many small methods of resistance to demonstrate their hatred of slavery and their yearning for freedom.

12. Abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison were not even liked in the North.

13. While moralistic white abolitionists like Garrison refused to become involved in politics, practical black abolitionists like Frederick Douglass looked for a way to abolish slavery through political action.

14. After about 1830, the South no longer tolerated even moderate pro-abolitionist discussion.

15. Southern whites increasingly argued that their slaves were happier and better off than northern wage earners.

Slavery goes from being the “peculiar institution” to being a “positive good.”

Day 4

JUSH

Mar 23 4B

Mar 24 1A (Key Train no class today) 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Ken Burns Civil War Site

Episode Guide: http://www.pbs.org/civilwar/classroom/episode1.html

Activity: Do the Matching and fill in the blank activity for:

Chapter 20 in American Pageant Renewing the sectional Struggle

Watch Power point on the causes of Civil War

1850’s Road to Secession

Read primary source about the slave trade and middle passage

Day 5

JUSH

Mar 25 4B SIP day 45 minutes

Mar 28 1A & 3A

Home Pageant Lectures Top

Do the True False and multiple-choice for:

Chapter 20 in American Pageant Renewing the sectional Struggle

Increased sectionalism

“All men are created equal”—Thomas Jefferson—Virginia—Slave State—He had slaves

World view—how we look at the world—has a lot to do with how we look at each other.

Men/Women

North/South

Southerners say— this is a nice thought TJ but it is just not true!

No person is born equal to another person.

We all have different:

talents…skills…builds…handicaps…experiences…families…

1776…sounds good when fighting the British monarchy…but HE even owned slaves!

Civil War starts in 1861

More books written about the CW than any other topic in American History

Causes and the Lead up to the War—North and South World View

The War itself—Battles, Generals, Strategy, Trends 1861-1865/Ft. Sumter-Appomattox Courthouse

Results of the war—we ARE America after this war!

What caused the Civil War?

National Government got too strong

The States (Southern) saw their power going away

The way to earn money in the North, was profoundly different than the way to earn money in the South—North—free labor/South—slave labor

Culture in the South was different than the culture in the North

· How we talk

· Things we believe

· Things we eat

· Outlook

Southerners are just different than Northerners and could not get along

· What they read

o South…Sir Walter Scott—about elite upper class rich who stay that way

o North…Harriet Beecher Stowe—Uncle Tom’s Cabin separation of slave families by auction

Slavery—American institution that started in 1619—was not addressed until 1861

“All men are created equal”—Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence

· Enlightenment concept that talks about “natural right”

o Are there eternal truths?

Some Southerners are sure this is not true!

Many reasons---economic-made money…big money off slaves and their labor

Biblical-slaves are mentioned in the Bible

Social—it is good for the slave

Defenses of Slavery!

Money

Theological

Beneficial

Alexander H. Stephens-April, 1861 Vice President of the Confederacy (South) Speech

“Cornerstone Speech”

http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?documentprint=76

Old friend of Abe Lincoln—slaveholder—Georgian

He said that the cornerstone of the Confederacy—the southern political system…was what he called “American Negro Slavery”

This difference in looking at human nature is where we start with the Civil War.

Who is right—Jefferson or Stephens? Are we equal or are we unequal?

When people talk about things being “rooted in nature”…”ordained by God”---must take care…this can result in horrible actions.

How does America get to the idea that we have one side referring to Jefferson and one side referring to Alexander Stephens.

Lincoln Quotes: http://showcase.netins.net/web/creative/lincoln/speeches/quotes.htm

Lincoln On SLAVERY

If as the friends of colonization hope, the present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means, succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery; and, at the same time, in restoring a captive people to their long-lost father-land, with bright prospects for the future; and this too, so gradually, that neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it will indeed be a glorious consummation.
--July 6, 1852 Eulogy on Henry Clay

Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature -- opposition to it is in his love of justice. These principles are an eternal antagonism; and when brought into collision so fiercely, as slavery extension brings them, shocks, and throes, and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal the Missouri Compromise -- repeal all compromises -- repeal the declaration of independence -- repeal all past history, you still can not repeal human nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart, that slavery extension is wrong; and out of the abundance of his heart, his mouth will continue to speak.
--October 16, 1854 Speech at Peoria

The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his crown, and proclaim his subjects free republicans sooner than will our American masters voluntarily give up their slaves.
--August 15, 1855 Letter to George Robertson

You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it.
--August 24, 1855 Letter to Joshua Speed

The slave-breeders and slave-traders, are a small, odious and detested class, among you; and yet in politics, they dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your masters, as you are the master of your own negroes.
--August 24, 1855 Letter to Joshua Speed

I believe this Government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved -- I do not expect the house to fall -- but I do expect it will cease to be divided.
--June 16, 1858 House Divided Speech

I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any Abolitionist.
--July 10, 1858 Speech at Chicago

Now I confess myself as belonging to that class in the country who contemplate slavery as a moral, social and political evil...
--October 7, 1858 Debate at Galesburg, Illinois

He [Stephen Douglas] is blowing out the moral lights around us, when he contends that whoever wants slaves has a right to hold them; that he is penetrating, so far as lies in his power, the human soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty, when he is in every possible way preparing the public mind, by his vast influence, for making the institution of slavery perpetual and national.
--October 7, 1858 Lincoln-Douglas Debate at Galesburg, Illinois

When Judge Douglas says that whoever, or whatever community, wants slaves, they have a right to have them, he is perfectly logical if there is nothing wrong in the institution; but if you admit that it is wrong, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do wrong.
--October 13, 1858 Debate at Quincy, Illinois

This is a world of compensations; and he who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave.
--April 6, 1859 Letter to Henry Pierce

Now what is Judge Douglas' Popular Sovereignty? It is, as a principle, no other than that, if one man chooses to make a slave of another man, neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object.
--September 16, 1859 Speech in Columbus, Ohio

An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave in not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it.
--February 27, 1860 Speech at the Cooper Institute

We believe that the spreading out and perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs the general welfare. We believe -- nay, we know, that that is the only thing that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself.
--September 17, 1859 Speech in Cincinnati, Ohio

Let there be no compromise on the question of extending slavery. If there be, all our labor is lost, and, ere long, must be done again.
--December 10, 1860 Letter to Lyman Trumbull

You think slavery is right and ought to be extended; while we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That I suppose is the rub. It certainly is the only substantial difference between us.
--December 22, 1860 Letter to Alexander Stephens

I say now, however, as I have all the while said, that on the territorial question -- that is, the question of extending slavery under the national auspices, -- I am inflexible. I am for no compromise which assists or permits the extension of the institution on soil owned by the nation.
--February 1, 1861 Letter to William H. Seward

One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended.
--March 4, 1861 Inaugural Address

I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel. And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.
--April 4, 1864 Letter to Albert Hodges

One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war.
--March 4, 1865 Inaugural Address

Burlingame (Content 13:20) podcast from Ashbrook Center—Lincoln I

Questions/Notes

1. What do people say about Lincoln’s attitude towards slavery?

2. What does Burlingame say about Lincoln’s attitude towards slavery?

3. Why does Lincoln have this attitude?

4. What does his father have to do with this?

5. What evidence does Burlingame use to support his findings?

Notes:

The History of Slavery in America: http://www.pbs.org/wnet/slavery/timeline/1619.html

Approximate Date and Event

1619 Twenty African slaves arrive in Virginia

1775 Governor Dunmore of Virginia promised freedom to loyal slaves

1787 U.S. Constitution provides for three-fifths slave representation in Congressional apportionment, protects the slave trade for twenty years, and mandates the return of fugitive slaves. Congress prohibits slavery from the Northwest Territory north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi rivers.

1793 Eli Whitney invents cotton "gin" [short for engine]

1807 Congress prohibits the importation of African slaves

1820 The Missouri Compromise temporarily resolves the problem of slavery in the territories

1822 Denmark Vesey organizes a slave revolt in South Carolina

1831 Nat Turner leads a slave uprising in Virginia; William Lloyd Garrison begins publishing a militant abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator.

1836 House of Representatives adopts "gag rule" blocking all antislavery petitions

1841 Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave, becomes a sensational abolitionist speaker

1848 Annexation of territory from Mexico opens debate about the expansion of slavery

1850 Compromise of 1850 admits California as a free-soil state and enacts a strong Fugitive Slave law; Frederick Douglass, John Brown and other abolitionists become active in the Underground Railroad for fugitive slaves

1852 Uncle Tom's Cabin becomes a best-selling novel in the North (300,000 copies in its first year in print)

1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act sets up a bloody guerrilla war between pro-slavery and anti-slavery settlers in Kansas; Abolitionist John Brown and his sons begin their war on slavery by killing five pro-slavery terrorists.

1857 Dred Scott decision

1858 Republican Abraham Lincoln speaks out against slavery in the campaign for the Senate seat of Stephen Douglas, Democrat-Illinois; Douglas wins the election

1859 Abolitionist John Brown tried to start a wave of slave liberation by seizing the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia; Brown is captured and hanged for treason.

1860 The Democratic party splits over slavery and secession; Abraham Lincoln is elected president on an antislavery Republican platform

1861 South Carolina and ten other Southern states secede and form the Confederate States of America, founded in part on the natural right of whites to enslave blacks

1863 Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation declares slaves in rebel states "henceforth and forever free" (exempting loyal border states)

1865 Following the defeat of the Confederacy, the Thirteenth Amendment abolishes all slavery in America, formally liberating four million slaves

(Blight Lecture 1)

Civil War

Why does the Civil War have a hold on American historical imagination?

I. Cause-the coming of the Civil War

Mid-1840s to Fort Sumter (April 1861)

II. The War itself (Ap. 1861-Ap. 1865)

How the war was fought

What it was about—at first and then during the war

Confederate defeat and Union victory—how this was accomplished and what this means

III. What this means to us today (1865-Today)

The liberation of 4.2 million slaves—some kind of freedom…some kind of citizenship

Lincoln’s assassination and Reconstruction (1865-1876)

Development of race terrorists (KKK)

Begs the question where do Blacks fit in to American society

Reconstruction is one of the “craziest” times in American history

Speech---speech/document #3 in JUSH

18^th century—Declaration of Independence 1776

19^th century—Gettysburg Address

20^th century—Martin Luther King’s “I Have a Dream Speech”

Jan. 15^th (Approx.)—Martin Luther King’s Birthday

Focus on what it is to be “American”…what is the “American Mind/Character”

MLK

I Have a Dream Part I—not the Dream part—that is at the end!

"I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. And so we have come here. Five score years ago a great American in whose symbolic shadow we stand today signed the Emancipation Proclamation."

This was August 1963. A hot, a brutally hot August day, King on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.

"This momentous decree came as a great beacon, light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak, to end the “long night of their captivity.” (That sentence is almost directly from the Bible.) But one hundred years later the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty, in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come here, we've come to our nation's capital, to cash a check. When the architects of our Republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked 'insufficient funds.' But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt, we refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us, upon demand, the riches of freedom and the security of justice."

I would be thrilled if you walked out of this class and were able to explain to somebody why King made the promissory note the central metaphor of his "I Have a Dream" speech, and you could somehow explain why it hadn't been cashed by 1963, and could then begin to discuss whether it's fully cashed yet.

"At what point shall we expect the approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it? Shall we expect some transatlantic military giant, to step the Ocean, and crush us at a blow? Never! All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their military chest; with a Buonaparte for a commander, could not by force, take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge, in a trial of a thousand years. At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, if it ever reach us it must spring up amongst us. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die by suicide.

The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln edited by Roy P. Basler, Volume I

"Address Before the Young Men's Lyceum,of Springfield, Illinois (January 27, 1838), p. 109.

Day 6

JUSH

Mar 29, 4B

Mar 30, 1A & 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Renewing the Sectional Struggle

Finish Episode one of Ken Burn’s The Civil War

Leave off at: Honorable Manhood

http://www.pbs.org/civilwar/classroom/episode1.html

Day 7

JUSH

Mar 31, 4B

Apr 1, 1A 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Finish Episode One of Ken Burns the Civil War Episode summaries: http://www.pbs.org/civilwar/classroom/episode1.html

Sullivan Ballou Letter: http://www.pbs.org/civilwar/war/ballou_letter.html

Watch first hour of Gods and Generals

Absent: Write a paper on Robert E. Lee’s decision not to lead the Union Army or go to

Gods and Generals: http://www.godsandgenerals.com/

And write two pages bout what you have learned investigating this site.

Or Read the following and turn in two pages of notes on it: Historical Perspective

Day 8

JUSH

Apr. 11, 4B

Apr. 12, 1A & 3A ACT Paperwork

Apr. 14, 1A & 3A Do Below activities

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Opener: Chapter 21: Drifting Towards Disunion—do the Identifications

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Notes:

1852-1861

Uncle Tom’s Cabin – Harriet Beecher Stowe—daughter of a minister…she had never been to the South…never seen slavery first hand…wrote a book about it based on things she heard…when Abe Lincoln met her during the war…he said “so this is the little woman who started this great war”

Book was hugely popular in the North and Europe…people cried when they read it...but it was all fiction…based on some rumors, stories that Stowe had heard.

Southerners claimed it was all made up…claimed that it was written only to make them look bad.

Very divisive…caused very hard feelings on both sides

Kansas enter Union…slavery decided by popular sovereignty—people who live in an area will decide the question of slavery by a vote…each side (abolitionists in the North and Pro-Slaveryites in the South hire people to go out to Kansas to vote against or for slavery)

Violence in Kansas—these people that are hired are fringe people. These folks fight each other in and around the towns of Lawrence (Free) and Lecompton (Slave), Kansas (eastern Kansas). Harriet Beecher Stowe’s father sends crates of “Bibles” to the anti-slavery forces but in the crates are guns (Beecher’s Bibles)

Lecompton Constitution (Kansas)—Constitution (set of framework laws) that was going to allow slavery in Kansas…the pro slavery forces were better organized and set up the government in their favor…this enraged the anti-slavery people.

Sumner-Brooks incident on Senate floor—Charles Sumner of Massachusetts gives a speech…”the Crime against Kansas”

“pro slavery men are hirelings picked from the drunken spew and vomit of an uneasy civilization”

Preston Brooks Congressmen from South Carolina—Senator Butler’s nephew takes matters into his own hands…beats Sumner with a cane

Brooks-Sumner Affair (See above diagram)

What happened in the Senate is that Charles Sumner, the radical abolitionist Senator from Massachusetts, one of only a tiny handful--actually one of only two or three, three or four--real card carrying abolitionists, if we want to call them that, who had seats in the U.S. Senate. Sumner, deeply well-educated, classically educated, Harvard man, began his political life as a so-called Conscience Whig in Massachusetts. He got elected to the U.S. Senate in the fervor over the Mexican War and in the fervor over the expansion of slavery. In his first few years in the Senate, from 1849, '50, '51, '52, they had a virtual gag on him. Any time Sumner tried to get the floor--this went on for about four years--there were all kinds of parliamentary maneuvers that the opposition could use to prevent him from speaking. They didn't want abolitionist rhetoric in the halls of the U.S. Senate.

But with time he got a position, that is, a place where he could speak, in the Senate's calendar. And he did, he delivered a speech early that spring called "The Crime Against Kansas" in which he attacked pro-slavery men as ‘hirelings picked from the drunken spew and vomit of an uneasy civilization.’ He also insulted South Carolina, and that state’s senator, Andrew P. Butler, who had read John C. Calhoun’s last address to Congress in 1850. He called him, among other things, a new Don Quixote off on a misguided quest on behalf of the harlot Slavery and compared his championing of the Kansas-Nebraska Act to a British officer trying to ram the Stamp Act down the throats of Americans with his sword.

He delivered it in March 1856. It took him about six hours. It was later published in a pamphlet form. It's about 35, 40 pages. It was the classic free soil argument of what was now the Republican Party, and Sumner was by now, of course, a Republican. He made all the arguments about a slave power conspiracy and an anti-slavery interpretation of the Constitution. He argued deeply into the cluster of ideas we call free labor ideology. But then he laced the speech, over and over, with personal attacks on Southerners, personal attacks on Southern slave holders. He singled out especially Senator Andrew Butler of South Carolina, and he used Butler's alleged fathering of children by a slave woman as representative of what Sumner said was a common practice across the south. You could not imagine laying a bigger taboo on your fellow Southern senators than this one. He described Butler as, "a Don Quixote who had taken the harlot slavery as his mistress." And then he went on and on with that. He was jeered. Southerners started shouting at him and Sumner just enjoyed it and went on; many of them walked out. But he had already had copies of the speech printed. He had copies of the speech on the street within a few days.

In the audience that day, sitting up in the balcony, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives named Preston Brooks who was the nephew of Senator Butler. About a week after this event, it may have been two weeks, Butler decided that he was going to have honor, he was going to exercise an act of honor and revenge deeply rooted in what he believed was the Old South sense of honor. He had thought about challenging Sumner to a duel, but duels by this point in time were highly illegal, even though people did get challenged. They're still challenging each other to duels all the time in the 1850s; well, a lot of times. But he decided against challenging Sumner to a duel. Instead, he thought he would take a sort of Plan B--he would meet Sumner at his desk with a cane and try to kill him. And he did.

Brooks took a cane to Sumner--Sumner was sitting at his desk, literally signing copies of "The Crime Against Kansas" speech to be sent out. And he got trapped in the desk, we're told; he couldn't get out of it and Brooks just kept banging on his head, over and over, just bloodied him into unconsciousness, and Sumner fell on the floor. And there are all kinds of stories--and in fact this lithograph tries to capture it, although I'm not sure you can see it very well--there are all kinds of stories about Senators, especially Southerners, gathering around and saying, "Hold me back, hold me back," as they smiled and watched Sumner bleed on the floor. And finally somebody grabbed Brook's cane and said, "You know, that's probably enough." I mean, by any definition this was an assault with a deadly weapon, this was an assault and battery, it was attempted murder.

Preston Brooks went back to the House of Representatives, tendered his resignation and said he would go back home to South Carolina and submit himself to the people of his district. And he did. And they overwhelmingly re-elected him. He also received more than one hundred commemorative canes in the mail, some of which you can see today at the Caroliniana Library in Columbia, South Carolina. This became, of course, a cause célèbre, a brutal example now of the way in which compromise was being ruined, middle realm for moderation, was perhaps being destroyed. Violence had broken out all over Kansas; violence had now broken out in the U.S. Senate. It led many people to a fearful set of expressions; there are literally hundreds of these in the press. This is one from William Cullen Bryant who wrote in The New York Evening Post, after the news broke of the beating of Sumner; I quote him: "A violence reigns in the streets of Washington. Violence has now found its way into the Senate Chamber. Violence lies in wait all over the navigable rivers and all the railways of Missouri to obstruct those who pass from the Free states into Kansas. Violence overhangs the frontiers of that territory like a storm cloud charged with hail and lightening. Violence has carried election after election in that territory. In short, violence is the order of the day. The North is to be pushed to the wall by it, and this plot will succeed if the people of the Free states are as apathetic as the slaveholders are insolent."

It was news of the beating of Sumner on the floor of the Senate that apparently made John Brown snap and within 48 hours he led what's called the Pottawattamie Creek Massacre where he murdered five pro-slavery advocates, in cold blood, with broad swords, in the dark of the night. We will return to John Brown's exploits later.

Day 9

JUSH

Ap 13 4B Keytrain

Ap 14 1A 3A Lesson from Ap. 12 Above

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Day 10

JUSH

Ap. 15 4B

Ap. 18 1A 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Discussion Assignment on Dred Scott Decision and watch Episode 2 of Burns: The Civil War

Dred Scott Decision

Republican response to Dred Scott

The Dred Scott Decision

Dred Scott is a slave in Missouri

Friends with the master’s (Peter Blow) son…little kids probably do not understand slavery

· They are little

· They are buddies

· They hunt and fish together

· Hang out and play

· The master’s son makes Dred a promise…when my dad dies and he leaves me you…I’ll set you free…’cause I’m your boy!

· Master dies…one problem…he knew of his son’s plan…wills everything to his son…except Dred…wills Dred to his slave loving neighbor…a doctor (Dr. John Emerson).

· Dred is disappointed…son is disappointed.

· Dr. Emerson travels all over the upper Midwest..serving Army men…takes Dred with him as his personal servant

· Travelled to Illinois (never allowed slavery) and Minnesota (never allowed slavery)

· Dred tried to buy his freedom in MN…denied

· Marries Harriet in MN

· Harriet was a free black woman in MN

o Lives in free territory 4 years

o Tried to buy freedom

o Marries free woman

· In 1838 is brought back to Missouri as a slave

· At this time a group of anti-slavery folks including the Blow boy gather around Dred and support his suit for freedom

· Local Court 1846—Because he lived on free soil for 4 years…he is free (1850)

· Missouri Supreme Court—no he is not

· Case goes to US Supreme Court

o 1854—not decided until 1856

o Three days after James Buchanan is sworn in as president…we have the “Dred Scott Decision”

· No freedom for Dred Scott

o Majority decision (one which prevails)

o Justice that writes the opinion Chief Justice Roger Taney

o HE JUST DOES NOT STOP AT Dred remaining a slave—wants to settle the slavery issue once and for all times…he says:

1. Dred Scott is an African—not a citizen of the United States—only citizens can bring suit

2. As a black man with no citizenship he has no rights in America...no rights that a white person has to respect

3. As a slave Dred Scott is property…just like a farm animal…property is protected by the 5^th Amendment of the Constitution…no government can take a citizen’s property without a trial

4. All this bickering over where slaves can and cannot go is a waste of time…since Americans can take property anywhere…slaves can be taken anywhere

· Blows up the Ordinance of 1787, Blows up the Missouri Compromise of 1820, Blows up the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas Nebraska Act of 1854 (people should vote Popular Sovereignty).

· Strengthens the hold of the Republican party in the North

· People are irate in the North…jubilant in the South

· No chance for Compromise---this is looked at by scholars of the Supreme Court as the worst decision in SC history.

This is 1856—Civil War starts in 1861—as a result of Dred Scott decision every state is a slave state.

Read Excerpt from Lincoln at Peoria

Dred Scott

And here we begin to see now the breakup, the tearing apart, now of even the Democratic Party, because none other than Stephen Douglas, father of popular sovereignty, author of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the man who had pushed that act through, went to Buchanan and said, "No sir, you cannot support the Lecompton Constitution, it's a fraudulent constitution. The majority of the people in that territory are probably free soil. You can't do this." He broke with his own President, and it would be disastrous for the Democratic Party. The Lecompton Constitution was not accepted by the Congress.

Now, the Dred Scott decision, which came down that same spring of 1857 in the immediate aftermath of Buchanan's election--there's old Dred, not a great picture of him, but it's the only photograph we have of Dred Scott--the Dred Scott decision also came down in the midst of a major American depression. The so-called Panic of 1857 broke out that very spring. The same time as Buchanan is being inaugurated, the Lecompton Constitution is being forged out in Kansas, the Dred Scott decision is going to be announced, the country is falling into a horrible economic panic. There are many causes of it. I wish I had the time. Actually, I'm going to save the Panic of 1857 because it sets up Lincoln and Douglas in '58, '59 for me later. But I want to leave you--I've got three minutes I think, two minutes, two, three--with this fateful Supreme Court Case; many people like to say the worst Supreme Court decision in all of American history, but I suspect you can get up a debate over that. I think we've had a couple of others; I won't name them.

Who was Dred Scott? This man, who was an old man by the time the Supreme Court ruled on him and put his name forever into American history as a symbol, was born a slave in 1795 in Virginia. He had moved to Missouri in the 1820s with his master, a man--his original master's name was Peter Blow. He was then later owned by a physician, a doctor named John Emerson. Emerson was an Army surgeon, and Emerson traveled from Missouri all over the upper Midwest and into what then was the Great Plains as an Army surgeon working at Army camps and bases. Dred Scott went with him as his personal servant. They traveled to Illinois and Minnesota. Dred Scott lived with his master from 1834 to 1838, four years, with Dr. Emerson, on various kinds of military bases, especially in Minnesota, a free territory. At one point, Dred Scott tried to buy his own freedom in Minnesota and wasn't allowed to do it. He married a free black woman named Harriet while he was in Minnesota. Four years residence on free soil, an attempt to buy his own freedom, marries a free black woman. Emerson brought him back to Missouri in 1838 and through an intricate series of events for the next five to six years-- not the least of which was Missouri is a very divided place, especially St. Louis--a group of anti-slavery folk gathered around Dred Scott and tried to help him sue for his freedom.

In 1846, they moved his case through local courts, and the first decision--was at a local court--because of his residence and free soil for four years, gave Dred Scott his freedom. That court decided the case in 1850. It was then appealed by the State of Missouri, which was really worried about this case, to the Missouri Supreme Court, and the Missouri Supreme Court, by a decision of two to one, ruled no, no, no. On appeal, Dred Scott's freedom would be denied--that he did not have the right to his freedom because of residence on free soil. Then, again with the help of an anti-slavery group, and even his own owner, believe it or not, they pushed this appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Dr. Emerson was gone, Dred was now owned by a man named John Sanford, and hence the case is called Sanford versus Scott.

Scott's case came before the U.S. Supreme Court as early as 1854 and got on the docket. It would not be decided for 2½ years. Most people didn't even know this was happening. I'll leave you here. Only three days after James Buchanan was inaugurated President, having just only narrowly defeated this new Republican coalition, news broke in Washington of something called the Dred Scott decision, and it would electrify the political culture of the country. It will fuel this Republican Party anti-slavery coalition as much as--in some places--as much as the Kansas Nebraska act ever had, and it will inspire Abraham Lincoln to run for the senate.

Watch Episode 2 of Ken Burns The Civil War stop at The Peninsula

Day 11

JUSH

Apr. 19 4B ACT Paperwork

Apr. 20 1A God’s and Generals 3A Keytrain

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Lincoln Douglas debates

John Brown’s raid at Harper’s Ferry Virginia

Southern/Northern Democratic split in 1860

Lincoln vs. Douglas in North…Bell vs. Breckinridge in the South

Lincoln—minority of the popular vote and majority of the Electoral vote

Seceding states during the “lame-duck” period between Lincoln’s election and his inauguration

Lincoln rejected the Crittenden Compromise which begged the South to stay in the Union by assuring that slavery would be allowed in the territories if the people there wanted slavery to spread

Burlingame (Content 13:20) podcast from Ashbrook Center—Lincoln I

Burns Civil War Timeline

Hanson Civil War Stuff-Early American History

Topic 21 (Notes): Drifting Toward Disunion 1854-1861

THE CAUSE

Why is Civil War so very popular?…more books written about it than number of days since the end:

(Appomattox Court House, VA, April 9, 1865).

· Dealt with the freedom of not just blacks but whites

· Helped “reconstruct” America

· Famous speeches were made…written

· Slavery was looked at in a different way

· Only war that involved only Americans

· History of our Country as it is today…starts here

· Loss…death (620,000)…treasure…way of life in the South

o We must remember that we live in a country where 600,000 men died to get rid of slavery…George Bush (42)

Why do people sport Confederate Battle Flags…the Stars and Bars?

· Racism?

· Rebelliousness—showing you are a “rebel”

· What does this mean?

· Against authority

The South firing on Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, SC…did more to free the slaves

than any Abolitionist.

Abolitionists—folks who wanted to get rid of slavery totally…Lincoln was not an abolitionist…

He was a “Free Soiler”…he wanted the lands that we acquired from France and Mexico to be free of slavery.

What is the Fourth of July to the Slave…Frederick Douglass

http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=162

“A Hell of a Storm”: The Kansas Nebraska Act and the Birth of the Republican Party (Blight 7)

There was trouble in the air. Henry Clay was sloshing down some brandy on a late night in mid-January 1850, to try to come up with ways of solving the great political challenges they faced between the sections and over the expansion of slavery.

Henry Clay

He was doing this, in great part, because gold had been discovered in California. This is an original photograph of panners, gold-miners--white, Asian and who knows, probably somebody mixed black. If California wasn't ready for statehood in 1850, it's possible there wouldn't have needed to be a Compromise of 1850; but it was. And already in its inception, people realized how big California was. And they already realized, North and South, that part of it was north of the Missouri Compromise Line and part it was south. Would that vast territory of California become a free state or a slave state?

The South's greatest spokesman, its intellectual leader of its states' sovereignty and states' rights position, delivered what became known quickly that year as "The Southern Address." And in it, Calhoun said many things, warning the country what the South might do, or at least the Deep South might do. But he captured it in this ending of the speech:

"If you," and he's pointing to Northerners, "who represent the stronger portion cannot agree to settle on the broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so; and we shall not--and we shall know what to do when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent you will compel us to infer by your acts what you intend. In that case, California will become the test question. If you admit her, under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us from the whole of the acquired territories of the West, with the intention of destroying irretrievably the equilibrium between the two sections."

John Calhoun

And one of the oldest ideas in our political culture is that great conflict comes when there's an issue around which two sides--sometimes there are more than two--but if there are two sides on a great issue of conflict, when one side or the other cannot accept the result; when a vital interest is somehow at stake that they will not, or cannot, or choose not, to accept a political outcome. That's the question in the 1850s: can compromise, some kind of coalition and consensus around this question of slavery's future--future in the West, future in the American political culture, future within the Constitution--can some kind of center hold?

Now, Clay invited Daniel Webster to deal with this because Webster's obviously the most--Daniel Webster was the most famous Northern Whig politician. He was from abolitionist Massachusetts. He was anti-slavery, though never a card-carrying abolitionist to say the least. He was a great lawyer, many said the greatest orator in the United States--those were usually the ones that hadn't heard Frederick Douglass yet. He'd been in Congress since 1823, almost as long as Clay. He'd been in the Senate since 1844. He was seen in some ways as the lion and the spokesman of New England. He had been a voice of union but also law enforcement then--that famous phrase that he had become known for, "Liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable."(1830) Webster always seemed to be the union man, at the same time he was an anti-slavery man.

Daniel Webster

Henry Clay from Kentucky; founder of the Whig Party; candidate for President three and four times over.

Henry Clay

The organizational genius in some ways behind the Whig Party and its so-called national system, the idea of using government for economic and social change in the lives of immigrants and everybody else. Clay of Kentucky, slave-holder--he owned about 60 people--hemp plantation farmer, original founder of the American Colonization Society, a border state political titan, with great influence in the Congress, pulls in Webster and says, "Daniel, we got to save the union, because look what Calhoun and company in the Deep South are threatening. What will we do? How will we solve this?" They did it with five measures, which were known first as the Clay Measures and then as the Compromise Measures, he stood up in the Senate, with great theater, and held a piece of what he said was George Washington's coffin.

What were the issues in 1850? The issues are on the map.

The issues are that California in the west is ready for statehood, overnight, because of that vast migration of miners, by sea, by land, and by imagination. There'd always been a brewing issue in the U.S. Congress and in the District of Columbia about the fact that the District of Columbia, the capital of the United States, was a slave trading center. Northern congressmen, of all stripes, had always been bothered by the fact that about 2½ blocks down the street from the United States Capitol was a huge slave jail.

People said that when the wind was right you could smell it, on the steps of the Capitol. Abraham Lincoln in his one term in the House called it a human livery stable. Foreign visitors would come and they would say--they would stand in awe at that majestic Capitol as it was being built and the dome was being completed, and then they would ask, "Where's the slave jail, can we see a slave jail?" So there were a lot of Northerners now who were saying, "Okay, there's going to be some big compromise now about California, about slavery in the West. What are we going to do about this? Let's deal with this question too."

Thirdly, there was the question of--and this is what Southerners were exercised about--of fugitive slaves escaping into the North in that so-called Underground Railroad. And the term Underground Railroad appears for the first time openly, over and over, in public debate on the floor of the U.S. Congress. Southerners standing up and saying we need a much stronger Federal Fugitive Slave Act requiring the return of fugitive slaves because they are escaping too much in that Underground Railroad. They didn't have a clue what it really was; didn't matter. But Southerners wanted fugitive slaves retrieved to them by law under Federal enforcement, no questions asked.

And then there was the problem of Texas now. It doesn't quite show it on this map properly, but the other day you remember the map of Texas--the boundaries of Texas had never been determined--to the Mexicans, much less to the Americans. And the idea here now was to--how would you kind of divide up Texas? There was no New Mexico or Arizona yet, it's just this vast territory called the New Mexico Territory. The idea was if you moved back the border of Texas about three or 400 miles, and you placed it where it actually is today, you would open up new territory, lots of it, to the establishment of at least one new, if not two new states, and those states in the Southern imagination would, in all likelihood, be slave states--they were southern. What to do with the Texas boundary?

Now, Daniel Webster's support of this came at some price. It came at a huge price for his own career. The five measures that came out of their discussions--they weren't alone but they really did conceive this. The five parts of the Compromise of 1850 will be on your citizenship test. You shouldn't have U.S. citizenship if you can't name the five parts of the Compromise of 1850 and the three parts of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; that should be a test of citizenship. No Lithuanian should ever get U.S. citizenship without being able to name the five parts of the Compromise of 1850. California would be admitted as a free state. Clay said there's no way around this, if they hold a referendum in California it's going to be a free state; the people who've gone there are all, they're all little people. There are all these miners and these panners, they're immigrants, they're people from Germany who've come across the sea, all in one year, to go find gold in California, and they're not going to be slave-holders. All right, California will be admitted as a free state.

But now, remember what Calhoun had said--so what are you going to give the South? In return the South is going to get a whole new, much stronger, Federal Fugitive Slave Act, the most notorious and controversial aspect of the Compromise of 1850. Secondly, Clay said to Webster, "Let's abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia. We have Federal jurisdiction over that; the Congress has jurisdiction over the District, let's abolish the slave trade, let's get the slave jails out of Washington. Northerners will like that." Webster said "Yeah. Let's move the boundary back three, 400 miles"--it was really about 350 miles--"let's open up a whole new part of the Mexican Session, with a possible establishment of new slave states; let's let Southerners dream of two and three more states, and four to six more U.S. senators in the next three to five years. Let's let them feel secure that California may come in as a free state and get two new senators and the number will now be 16 to 15, free to slave states"--people were counting. The idea was "yes, but maybe the South gets two or three out of the Mexican Session." And then lastly how would slavery be determined in that southwest; the big issue, how do you do it, by what principle? Clay said popular sovereignty, let the people have a referendum and vote--liberal democracy. So that statehood for any territory in the Mexican Session, except for California here--this is the stuff of compromise, don't look for hard principles here--except for California, everything else in the Mexican Session will be determined on popular sovereignty. The people who settled the territory at some stage of the territorial process--it could be early, it could be late--will vote whether slavery shall exist.

So look at the five measures. California will be a free state; slave trade--trade, not slavery itself--will be abolished in the District of Columbia. Two issues the North will like. The Texas boundary moved back, opened a new territory, new possible southern states, and that Fugitive Slave Act. Two measures Southerners would really like. And by the way, when Clay suggested the Fugitive Slave Act to Webster, Webster says "No, no, no, I can't take that home to Massachusetts, it won't fly, you can't do that." Clay said, "You have to do that." Webster said, "I can't do that." Clay said, "You have to do that; have some more brandy." Webster said, "Okay." I don't know how much brandy they drank. And popular sovereignty of course, it's American democracy, let them vote; it's an appeal to both sides, two for each side and one for everybody.

It is a great compromise, in a sense, but how is it actually passed is crucial; and of course its substance is crucial. The way it was finally passed is that once--and by the way, there was no certainly whatsoever that this would work. After Clay initiated the debate with an emotional appeal for union, Daniel Webster spoke in what became known in his career and in American history as the "7^th of March Speech." He held forth for three hours in one of his classic philippics. It began with the famous lines, "I wish to speak today not as a Massachusetts man nor as a northern man, but as an American. I speak today for the preservation of the Union." And he appealed to his fellow Northerners to vote for the Fugitive Slave--to vote to make northern states legally complicit in the return of fugitive slaves in their neighborhoods. He got groans and he got jeers and he got cheers. Everybody said one of the greatest speeches ever made in the U.S. Senate; and it ruined Webster's career. Poets started writing about, as Wittier did, "the Devil and Daniel Webster."

Calhoun was unable to deliver his speech--it was the 4^th of March--he was too sick; he will be dead by the fall. It was delivered by James Mason, his colleague. Calhoun was carried into the U.S. Senate in a chair; he couldn't walk, they literally carried him in, sat him down. He stared at his shoes, while Mason delivered his speech in which Calhoun said that the South had to stand now as one, for a slave society and for states' rights and for the protection of what he constantly argued were minority rights. Calhoun's speech--arguably, I think from an interpretative mode now--frightened, frightened--especially some Northerners, into voting for a compromise they hated. It may have even frightened some border state Democrats and Whigs, to vote for this thing, some of which they hated.

Like any great compromise--if any of you have ever been on major--political committees, dorm committees and so on, you got to pass something, but you got two or three things on the Bill. And there are these people who hate item number one, and these people who hate item number two, and these people who hate item number three. What happens if you vote on all three at the same time? Everybody's got something to vote against. So the way the Compromise of 1850 was passed--and it was passed largely by the young Stephen A. Douglas, who took over the management.

Stephen A. Douglas

He was about 38-years-old at this point, Senator from Illinois, a young titan--small as he was, five foot six--a young titan of the Democratic Party from Illinois. He was really the parliamentary manager in the midst of the debates from March into the summer of 1850. There were threats of disunion from Southerners every other day--brave threats in Southern newspapers. So what Douglas did is a classic parliamentary maneuver. He voted on each bill separately and ultimately called it the Omnibus Bill, and in each case managed just enough of a narrow majority--getting enough Northerners, especially Northern Democrats, to vote for that Fugitive Slave Act, which they tended to hate, and then just enough Southern--what's left of the Whigs--to vote for the end of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. And it passed in early August 1850.

Henry Clay, ill, terminally sick, had gone home to Kentucky. He'll be out of the picture and out of American history before the end of the year. Calhoun was dying at that very moment--was dead, I believe, by September. Webster was now to be denounced politically forever in his own political party and in his own Massachusetts. But the Compromise passed and in some ways the nation celebrated, or so it seemed. The Compromise of 1850 did, in some ways, save the Union, at least at that point in time. But as David Potter, the best historian of this we've ever had, said, it was far more--and it's the best way to remember it I think--it was far more an armistice than it really was a compromise. It began to collapse almost as fast as it passed. There were huge rallies and marches in northern cities celebrating the saving of the Union. People were frightened; I mean, business interests in the north--not just in New York City where the banks all were, but now in this colossus of Chicago, this burgeoning railroad center in the West, in Cincinnati, Detroit--worried, what if there is disunion, what happens to the economy, what happens to trade? So there were great rallies. At the same time, the State of Georgia met its legislature by December 1850 and passed what they called the Georgia Platform and sent it all around the rest of the Deep South. And it said they--it said the State of Georgia gave only its conditional acceptance to the compromise measures, waiting to see whether the North acted in good faith. In other words, "we don't trust you." Some Northern State legislatures said, "oh really?" And they passed resolutions saying "we don't think we trust you either."

There were vehement protests against the Fugitive Slave Act. The Fugitive Slave Act, above all else, in this crisis, caused much further conflict. It led directly to an estimated 20,000 African-American free blacks--well, free blacks and fugitive slaves, so many of them--living in the northern states--and in some cases, whole church congregations from cities like Philadelphia and Boston--moved north of the border into Canada, between 1850 and roughly 1857, '58, when there was another small wave, after the Dred Scott decision. This will lead now to the--established in that Fugitive Slave Act of special Federal magistrates whose job, whose sole job it was now--this is a whole new level of Federal adjudication of fugitive slaves. Magistrates were now appointed to go all over the north to retrieve fugitive slaves--well, to set up a police apparatus to retrieve fugitive slaves, and then to conduct courts to determine their identity. And in the Fugitive Slave Act itself it determined, or it said, that those magistrates would be paid twice as much money--they actually would be paid $10.00 for every fugitive slave they convicted of being that person and sent them back to slavery, and $5.00 for every acquittal. Now I know $5.00 doesn't seem like much, but on the face of that you look at that and think, "Now wait a second, this is blind justice--you're going to give me twice as much money to convict you as acquit you? Hey, I need a meal too."

It led now to famous fugitive slave rescues, like the rescue of Jerry McHenry in Syracuse, New York in 1851, in a violent rescue by abolitionists who spirited--who killed one of his captors and carted him off to Canada. It led to the famous rescue of Shadrach Minkins in early 1852 in Boston, a fugitive slave from Virginia who was working in an abolitionist coffeehouse in Boston, retrieved by slave catchers, taken to a jail, broken out of that jail. One of the jailers murdered on the spot by a mob of abolitionists led by Lewis Hayden, himself a fugitive slave from Kentucky, who lived in Beacon Hill in Boston and dared Federal magistrates to come to his house and try to retrieve Shadrack Minkins by putting an entire posse on the street, and a keg of gun powder in front of his door, which he threatened he would blow up if any magistrate got near it. And that night they spirited Shadrach off to Concord, Massachusetts where the descendents of abolitionists to this day like to argue which house he stayed in, and then off across Route 2, across northern Massachusetts and on up into Canada where Shadrach remained the rest of his life as a grocer in Montreal.

And there were many, many other fugitive slave rescues now. There was a fugitive slave rescue at Christiana, Pennsylvania in 1851. It was really at a farm. A slaveholder named Gorsuch and a posse of only five or six men cornered a group of his former slaves, four of them, in a barn. A group of abolitionists, black and white, defended them in a gun battle. One of Gorsuch's sons was killed. The fugitive slaves escaped. They ended up going across upstate New York. Two of them ended up in Frederick Douglass's house in Rochester, New York. Douglass drove them personally in a carriage to the wharf on Lake Erie. And when he bid them goodbye, one of them gave him the revolver that he had used at Christiana, a memento that Douglass kept the rest of his life. Resistance to slavery was now direct, sometimes violent. The Underground Railroad had become an over ground railroad. It was no longer caught up in the romance of a whole lot of people spiriting people to secret hideaways. It was sometimes now a matter of gun violence.

And one could argue that the most important thing to happen in the wake of the Fugitive Slave Act, and therefore the Compromise of 1850, was the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin.

Harriet Beecher Stowe, that brilliant, very short, little woman, who had lived for quite awhile with her husband Calvin Stowe, who was a theologian teaching in Cincinnati, had lived in a house on a hill in Cincinnati for several years, where she first met slave women--where she first met fugitive slaves coming through Cincinnati, and may have hid a few.

Heard their voices, tried to learn their dialect, and wrote the greatest novel of the nineteenth century, and still on any list, any short list, of the best selling works of literature in the history of the world. That sugar-coated, anti-slavery story of several characters--Eliza, young Eliza, light-skinned with her baby, escaping across the Ohio, jumping from iceberg to iceberg to iceberg. The Ohio doesn't have icebergs anymore; didn't have many then either. Or Uncle Tom himself, the most important Christ-like figure in all of American literature. Harriet Stowe wrote a brilliant book, whatever anyone wants to say about it. She made everybody complicitous in the slave story.

The most despicable character in the book is Miss Ophelia who was born in Vermont, who's racist to the core, who can't stand black people and goes down South preaching at Southerners what's wrong with slavery, at the same time she can't get near black people. And in some ways the most admirable character in that book was a Southern slave holder. And actually the most evil character--the most heinous character is Miss Ophelia--but the most evil character, of course, is Simon Legree; and Simon Legree was himself from New England.

The whole world was suddenly reading a work of fiction about slavery. It sold 300,000 copies in the first year, by far broke every sales record of any book ever published, ever, anywhere. Reprinted into at least 20 languages in its first five years of existence. Made into stage plays within two years. It brought an awareness to the slavery problem as never before. And in the election, the Congressional off-year elections of 1852, for every four votes, for every four votes cast for Franklin Pierce--the Democrat, who will win--one copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin sold somewhere in the United States. I mean, name a book today that we could even imagine doing that. Would that there was a novel that our electorate was electrified by in some way.

Now, in the wake of the Compromise of 1850 the country, now though, had to face this question, not just what you're going to do with the Mexican Session territories--that's going to take a little while. Northerners, a lot of Northerners are pissed off about the nature of the Utah Territory Bill and the New Mexico Territory Bill, because there are--Southerners immediately propose slave territories for Utah and New Mexico. But the real question, by 1853 and early 1854, was all of the territory that was left of the Louisiana Purchase--the Kansas and Nebraska Territories, which is simply what they were at that point in time.

Now, it is worth stopping for a moment to realize that not every American woke up in 1851, '52, '53, and worried every moment of every day about the expansion of slavery. They are worried about it, and it proves to us, without question, that there was a political crisis abrewing that the electorate cared about. But it's worth remembering that a lot of Americans were preoccupied with the same things they always were: price of wheat, a sick cow, wages at a textile mill, a son who wants to marry and needs land, a daughter who wants to marry an Irishman, or, most of all, all those Catholics arriving in New York City and Philadelphia. Huge numbers of Irish Catholics--they're going to Catholicize America, they're going to turn every small outhouse into a confessional. We laugh today, it's easy to laugh at this, but nativism caught hold in the early 1850s--more on this a bit later with the breakup of the American party system as we take it through the 1850s. But a lot of Americans were really worried about those Catholics.

But the Kansas-Nebraska Act--or the establishment now of the territories of Kansas and Nebraska and what to do with them--was front and center on the agenda of the United States Congress by late 1853. In the wake now of numerous of these celebrated, violent rescues of fugitive slaves, the attempts to enforce the Fugitive Slave Act in some parts of the north where it was very successfully prosecuted, and dozens and dozens and dozens of fugitive slaves were returned to the south. But in some celebrated cases they weren't. Quickly. The most celebrated case of all came in the spring of 1854 at the very time Congress is debating this thing called the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and people are politically waiting with baited breath to find out what are they actually going to do here? We had the rescue in Boston of a fugitive slave named Anthony Burns, who was a young guy in his early twenties. He had escaped out of Virginia, up to Boston by sea. He too was working in--actually a store at one point, in a coffee shop at another point. He was even distributing copies of William Lloyd Garrison's Liberator. He hadn't been there even a year and slave catchers found him, captured him.

Now, after Shadrach Minkins got out of Boston in 1852, the Anthony Burns rendition case captured the imagination of the nation, because Franklin Pierce, President of the United States, moved Federal troops, about 3000 of them, into the streets of Boston to guard the courthouse and to guard the jail and make sure nobody broke Anthony Burns out. It became a test case for the Democratic Party of Massachusetts. And on the day Anthony Burns was marched--he was convicted--marched from the jail down to the wharf and put on a ship back to slavery in Virginia, the abolitionist community, black and white, of Boston and all of Massachusetts, gathered in Boston. They held an all-night vigil with candlelight outside of the jail and they draped the streets of Boston, or some of the streets, in black crepe, in mourning. Burns was sent back to Virginia.

His story is amazing though. His owner then sold him--he was too famous--sold him to North Carolina. And one day a white woman in North Carolina wrote a letter to her sister in Amherst, Massachusetts and said, "Helen, that slave named Burns that they captured up in Boston, he's living on the farm next door. Isn't that interesting?" And her sister wrote from the First Baptist Church of Amherst, Massachusetts, back to her sister and said, "Really? What if we could raise some money to purchase him? Would you talk to your neighbors?" She talked to her neighbors. One thing led to another. Abolitionists, beginning in Amherst, Massachusetts and then around the State of Massachusetts, raised the money, made the offer, and Anthony Burns' freedom was sold. And he came North, by 1856. He first arrived in Amherst, Massachusetts where he was celebrated. They took him out on the road--Exhibit A. Then he went to Canada, and he died in 1860 prematurely of disease--lonely, lost, almost unknown.

But it was in that environment now, that Congress has to decide what to do with Kansas and Nebraska. Now here was the situation. It was in part a big deal because what was firing the American imagination now was not just the west, but it was the railroad west. Who would build these railroads, where would they be built, and where would its eastern terminus be? Would the eastern terminus of the transcontinental railroad be in the North, Chicago--or maybe St. Louis, in a slave state--or maybe further south in New Orleans, or maybe Memphis? Or maybe there'd be two of them--maybe you could have a compromised transcontinental railroad built--two of them. Well then people said, "no, wait, it's going to be hard enough to build one of them over those mountains." The Chairman of the Senate Territories Committee, a very powerful position in these years, was Stephen Douglas. He's now about 40-years-old in 1854, a political genius with a few terrible flaws. Douglas wanted the terminus of the transcontinental railroad to be in Illinois, in Chicago, and to go across the north to the northwest into northern California.

Douglas's approach to slavery though is terribly important here. It is in some ways, all of the story. Stephen Douglas believes that climate would solve the problems of slavery. He's famous for all these speeches he would make where he would say, "you know, if the soil is good and the temperatures are right, then slavery will probably exist. Where the soil is not proper and the temperatures aren't right, or if you've got mountains, slavery won't exist. Climate will solve the problem." Now wouldn't that be great? We'll just lift--all of our great political troubles are just lifted off our shoulders by the weather; just watch the weather channel, to hell with MSNBC and CNN and all those blabbering pundits, just watch the weather channel. He really believed that though, and there was some reason to believe it.

Now, the problem was, Southerners wanted one thing out of this and a lot of Northerners wanted another thing. But here was the question, which principal will you apply about slavery in the Kansas and Nebraska Territory? Think now of the recent past; think of the distant past--in American terms--to the Compromise of 1850. One, had the Compromise of 1850 already superseded the Missouri Compromise? Think about that. You had that sacred bargain, they said, of the 36º30' parallel line dividing free territory from slave territory forever, passed back in 1820. That was that vow that Northerners concerned about the expansion of slavery could always assume the great northwest would be free of slavery. But half of California is below it and half of it's above it. Had the Compromise of 1850--and half the Mexican Session is above it, and now you've said popular sovereignty will determine the Utah Territory and not the Missouri Compromise.

So which rule is in play? Which principle do you apply? Do you apply the oldest principle of the Northwest Ordinance from 1787? The Northwest Ordinance, folks, had said slavery shall never exist in the Northwest Territory; which became those five states of Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin--will never exist. Explicit territorial exclusion--that's one principle. The second principle, geographical division, Missouri Compromise, draw a line across the continent. Do you go back to that one? Or do you use the third one now? The third one that's in play--popular sovereignty--just let the people choose. Forget geography, forget old laws, and have a referendum. In other words--and this is the great question of the 1850s and the terrible tragedy, that, in the end, nothing worked. Would the American pragmatic tradition now--yes, we've got this-- we've got principle A, B and C here. We all want principled politicians don't we? We want principled professors and principled politicians and principled stockbrokers. But, at the end of the day, sometimes there are three principles in play. Would American pragmatism continue to solve this one? Well maybe that principle is best now, but that principle is better then.

Douglas wrote the bill, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, as it was called, or Act. Now, in this case, folks, numbers matter. We're going to look at a vote. But first of all, he wrote three different versions of the Kansas-Nebraska Act--this is important--he went from vaguest to most specific, because Southerners put his feet to the fire and made him do it. He first introduced a bill in December 1853--this is for the establishment of Kansas and Nebraska Territory. Everybody said, "that's nice for establishing these millions of acres and square miles, but is slavery going to exist?" The first version that he put before Congress on January 4, 1854, said that a state shall be admitted from those territories, quote, "with or without slavery as their Constitution may prescribe at the time of admission." Note the vagueness. And you all know that in politics sometimes the vaguer you are, the more you get done. "With or without slavery as their Constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." How that's to be done was not mentioned. Douglas said leave it to time, climate, and good sense. It was silent about the old Missouri Compromise Line.

Southerners quickly reacted and said, "Stephen"--his own fellow Democrats in the south who were now dominant in the South said, "nope, not enough." And there were a lot of powerful Southerners in the Senate. So he drafted six days later, January 10 of '54, a second version of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and he gave a direct statement of popular sovereignty. Quote: "The decision on slavery shall be left to the people residing therein." Now he's moved one step further and said there's going to be a vote out there, and however they vote that'll determine. Again, his fellow Southerners said, "No, not enough." And there's a famous episode where as a kind of spokesman for the Southern point-of-view, a Kentucky Whig from the other party named Archibald Dixon took Stephen Douglas for a ride in a carriage one day, in March of 1854 after these--excuse me, in late January--they were going to vote on it later in March--but in late January, took him for a carriage ride. And Dixon in no uncertain terms told Douglas, "no, no, what you have to do is you have to draft an explicit repeal of the Missouri Compromise Line, a specific repeal of any geographic division between slavery and freedom in the West. In other words Stephen, you have to open up the entire West to the possible expansion of slavery." Douglas didn't want to do that--he knew this was going to cause a bad time in the north--and he is alleged to have said back to Dixon, quote, "By God, sir, you are right. I will incorporate it in my bill though I know it will raise a hell of a storm." And he was right.

It may seem a bit odd to us today that Americans could care this much about what was to be done to Nebraska, or for that matter with Kansas. We didn't even know about Dorothy yet, and the Yellow Brick Road. But Northerners really did care, because think back again to this idea of free labor ideology--and we'll bring this up again and again in the next three lectures. The American Dream to the average Northerner, immigrant or not, was land--free land if possible, cheap land if not--a place to move to, mobility where you would never have to compete with any kind of oligarchy that could control that land.

The bill that he finally brought forth and that actually passed had two measures. And I'm going to leave you here. The two measures were the explicit repeal of the Missouri Compromise Line and the principle of popular sovereignty, the formula for the settlement of Kansas and Nebraska. The Kansas-Nebraska Act is, arguably, the pivotal event politically of the 1850s, that will now sectionalize American politics, break apart forever the Whig Party--what was left of it--and give birth to the first successful third party coalition movement in American History--the Republican Party, immediately--which comes into existence immediately--in the wake of the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

And if you want to understand how sectional that vote was, write down that vote count in the House. Note, Northern Democrats split right in half--that's Douglas's party--but nearly half of his own party in the House voted against this bill. Southern Democrats, 57 to 2--I can't explain those two, I don't know what happened to them. Northern Whigs, 45 to 0 against this. This is a polarization, folks. We've heard a lot about that recently. Southern Whigs, 12 to 7. The Whig Party is diminishing, it's all but--it will be dead in the wake of Kansas-Nebraska. And the four Free Soilers, elected in 1852, on a platform that opposed the Fugitive Slave Act, voted, of course, against Kansas-Nebraska. That vote, 113 to 110, got the Kansas-Nebraska Act passed but in the long run with terrible results. It will break apart the American political party system. It will bring about for the first time a genuine anti-slavery political coalition that will elect a president within six years..

Lincoln on Slavery:

Letter to Albert G. Hodges

This letter is a summary of a conversation which President Abraham Lincoln had with three Kentuckians: Governor Thomas E. Bramlette, Albert Hodges and Archibald Dixon. Hodges was the editor of the Frankfort Commonwealth and Dixon served in the U.S. Senate from 1852 to 1855. Bramlette had protested the recruiting of black regiments in Kentucky.

The letter offers an excellent glimpse into Lincoln's thinking about his constitutional responsibility and why he changed his inaugural position of non-interference with slavery to one of emancipation. He said, "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."

Lincoln closed with a reference to slavery that is reminiscent of his inaugural address of 1865: "If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God."

Executive Mansion,
Washington, April 4, 1864.

A.G. Hodges, Esq
Frankfort, Ky.

My dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:

"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel. And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand however, that my oath to preserve the constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensabale means, that government -- that nation -- of which that constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the constitution? By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, Gen. Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, Gen. Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March, and May, and July 1862 I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border states to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation, and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, -- no loss by it any how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure.

["]And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be but for the measure he condemns. If he can not face his case so stated, it is only because he can not face the truth.["]

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this tale I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years struggle the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. Yours truly,

A. Lincoln

Opener:

Do the Civil War American Odyssey Chapter 6 Section 1 pg.

4^th of July 1854—

Wm Lloyd Garrison—

radical abolitionist

denouncer of political parties

denouncer of the Constituion

burns three documents:

1. The Fugitive Slave Act

2. Rendition papers for fugitive/returned slave Anthony Burns

3. United States Constitution

All this acting out is because the Kansas Nebraska Act of 1854 ruins the “peace” that Americans had enjoyed since The Missouri Compromise of 1820

Held the “sacred pledge” that slavery would never exist above the 36 30 line (south border of Missouri)

Everyone knew this law…everyone respected this law…and it had kept the peace for 34 years between free-soilers and pro-slave folks.

Kansas Nebraska Act

Kansas Nebraska Act 1854 leads to:

Abe Lincoln

Republican Party

Bleeding Kansas

And the:

Opener:

Show the Lincoln Studies site with Text: Abraham Lincoln: A Life

Day 12

JUSH

Ap. 21, 4B

Ap. 26, 1A 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Read in American Odyssey Pgs. 172-176 and List battles

First “Battle” Southern (Confederate) attack on Fort Sumter April 12^th, 1861…

Union troops occupying a Federal fort in South Carolina…

South…get out!…

North…no it is an American Fort!

Did Lincoln start the war on purpose? Provoke the South?

For years historians have said Lincoln provoked the South…

Historians sympathetic to the South…

1. South did not “own” those forts

2. South had fired upon Union ships even before Fort Sumter

3. Jefferson Davis ready to fire on the North…when Lincoln refused to meet with Confederate Vice President Alexander Stevens.

4. Lincoln could not be the aggressor or he would lose the border States…especially Maryland…(Washington would be surrounded)

After attack Lincoln proclaims “insurrection” not war calls for 75,000 troops

Forces more states to secede…what is he going to use the troops for? Of course to invade “the sacred soil of the South and drag them back into the Union

Winfield Scott…1^st commander of Union after Robert E. Lee decides to fight for Virginia…VA secedes after the troop call-up

Anaconda Plan—surround the South Mason Dixon Line (approx. Ohio River…Atlantic Ocean ports….Gulf of Mexico and Mississippi River

Watch Power point on Civil War Overview

Watch Part II of Civil War Movie

Day 13

JUSH

Ap. 27, 4B ACT

Ap. 28, 1A PSAE 3A--Will have class watch: Gods and Generals.

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

ACT/PSAE

Battle Cry of Freedom

Yes, we'll rally round the flag, boys
Rally once again,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
We will rally from the hillside
We'll gather from the plains,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

The Union forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the traitor, up with the star,
While we rally round the flag, boys
Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

We are springing to the call
For three hundred thousand more,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
And we'll fill the vacant ranks
Of our brothers gone before,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

The Union forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the traitor, up with the star,
While we rally round the flag, boys
Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

We will welcome to our numbers
The loyal, true and brave,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
And although they may be poor
Not a man shall be a slave,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

The Union forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the traitor, up with the star,
While we rally round the flag, boys
Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

Southern Version

We are marching to the field, boys,
We're going to the fight,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
And we bear the Heavenly cross,
For our cause is in the right,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

Our rights forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the tyrants, raise the Southern star,
And we'll rally round the flag, boys

We'll Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
We'll meet the Yankee hosts, boys,
With fearless hearts and true,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
And we'll show the dastard minions
What Southern pluck can do,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

Our rights forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the tyrants, raise the Southern star,
And we'll rally round the flag, boys
We'll Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

We'll fight them to the last, boys,
If we fall in the strife,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!
Our comrades - noble boys!
Will avenge us, life for life,
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom.

Our rights forever!
Hurrah boys hurrah!
Down with the tyrants, raise the Southern star,
And we'll rally round the flag, boys
We'll Rally once again
Shouting the Battle Cry of Freedom!

Day 14

JUSH

Ap. 29, 4B

May 2, 1A 3A

Home Worksheets Pageant Lectures Johnson Guide Top

Test reward Almost Heroes compare to Ken Burn’s Lewis and Clark

Day 15

JUSH

May 3, 4B

May 4, 1A 2A

Home Top

Opener:

Do the Civil War Short Story Using the Pageant Civil War Materials

CIVIL WAR SHORT STORY IMAGES

FEQ

What caused the Civil War? Slavery

Most people thought the Civil War would be short.

South--beat the Yanks back and they will quit...they will not keep coming down to the South to bring them back to the Union--almost happened Bull Run I Bull Run II Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville...all Southern victories

North--thought war would be quick...put a couple beat downs on the South and South will come crawling back!

North and South--thought it would be a quick adventure

In 1861 people hoped for a short war and were terrified of a long war.

Abe Lincoln in his annual message in 1861 said;

He feared a long, quote, "remorseless revolutionary struggle."

Second Inaugural: "All hoped," he said, for, quote, "a result less fundamental and astounding."

There were 523 West Point US Military (Army) Academy graduates who fought in the Mexican War, and that war, back in 1846 to '48 had become a kind of military primer for so many of them, and the vast majority of those would end up in the Civil War, on both sides--

Ulysses Grant, Class of '43;

William Tecumseh Sherman, Class of '40;

Winfield Scott Hancock, Class of '44;

George Thomas, Class of '40;

George S. Meade, Class of '35;

Joseph Hooker, Class of '30;

John Sedgwick, Class of '37;

Joseph E. Johnston;

most notably

Robert E. Lee, Class of 1829, first in his class, later commandant at West Point.

They'd all learned a kind of warrior culture. They all take a very deep and abiding oath. It was a very difficult thing to do for West Point graduates on the southern side, to abandon that oath and go with their states.

But many of them did. As Oliver Otis Howard--a West Point graduate, later Union Corps Commander, lost his arm in the Petersburg Campaign and later first leader--head of the Freedmen's Bureau after the Civil War and for whom Howard University is named--said, quote, "Probably no other place existed where men grappled more sensitively with the troublesome problems of secession." Now the numbers of this--there was a kind of a stampede of West Point cadets back to the South, at least to a certain degree. An Ohio cadet named Tully McRae wrote to his sweetheart--this is April 1861:

"This has been an eventful week in the history of West Point. There has been such a stampede of cadets as was never known before. Thirty-two resigned and were relieved from duty on Monday, April 22, and since then enough to increase the number to more than forty. There are now few cadets from any southern state left here." In all, seventy-four southern cadets resigned and were dismissed for refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States; but twenty-one southern cadets, from slave states, remained and would eventually fight for the Union.

There are many extraordinary witnesses to these breakups at West Point. Here's just one of them. The cadet, George Armstrong Custer, Class of 1861 recalled walking sentinel duty in June of '61 and seeing fifteen defecting southern cadets marching toward a steamboat landing on the Hudson. I quote him: "Too far off to exchange verbal 'adieu,' even if military discipline had permitted it, they caught sight of me as step by step I reluctantly paid the penalty of offended regulations"--that's why he's doing this guard duty--"and raised their hats in token farewell, to which, first casting my eyes about to see that no watchful superior was in view, I responded by bringing my musket to a present." Custer would later be proud of how many southerners he had killed.

List the states and dates of the seceding states action.

Before Fort Sumter (Charleston, South Carolina)

1. South Carolina- Dec. 20, 1860

2. Mississippi- Jan. 9, 1861

3. Florida- Jan. 10, 1861

4. Alabama- Jan. 11, 1861

5. Georgia- Jan. 19, 1861

6. Louisiana- Jan. 26, 1861

7. Texas- Feb. 1, 1861

Lincoln takes Office in March, 1861

South Fires on Fort Sumter April 12, 1861

Lincoln calls for 75,000 troops

After Fort Sumter

8. Virginia- April 17, 1861--Robert E. Lee cannot lead the Northern troops

9. Arkansas- May 6, 1861

10. North Carolina- May 20, 1861

11. Tennessee- June 8, 1861

Missouri and Kentucky had Confederate governments but were split between Unionists and Confederates

Day 16

JUSH

May 5, 4B

May 6, 1A 2A

Home Top

Make-up: write out the causes and effects correctly below…not just the letter and numbers!

Review Civil War a Short Story

Watch:

The Civil War – Ken Burns

Episode Three The Civil War – Ken Burns

Hand out Viewing Questions

Day 17

JUSH

May 9 4B

May 10 1A 3A

Home Top

Watch Episode 3 of The Civil War by Ken Burns

Day 18

JUSH

May 11 4B

May 12 1A 3A

Home Top

The Significance of the Battle of Antietam—Sharpsburg, MD

Copy the following—listen to tune while copying:

"THE BONNIE BLUE FLAG" Tune: http://mp3bear.com/bonnie-blue-flag

We are a band of brothers

   And native to the soil,

Fighting for our liberty

   With treasure, blood and toil;

And when our rights were threatened,

   The cry rose near and far--

"Hurrah for the Bonnie Blue Flag

   That bears a single star!"

CHORUS: Hurrah! Hurrah!

   For Southern rights hurrah!

Hurrah for the Bonnie Blue Flag

   That bears a single star.

And here's to brave Virginia--

   The Old Dominion State—

With the young Confederacy

   At length has linked her fate;

Impelled by her example,

   Now other states prepare

To hoist high the Bonnie Blue Flag

   That bears a single star.--CHORUS

Then here's to our Confederacy,

   Strong are we and brave;

Like patriots of old we'll fight

   Our heritage to save.

And rather than submit to shame,

   To die we would prefer;

So cheer for the Bonnie Blue Flag

That bears a single star.—CHORUS

Bonnie Blue Flag

Bonnie Blue Flag: Full lyrics

http://www.civilwarpoetry.org/confederate/songs/bonnie.html

Lorena Tune: http://www.us-civilwar.com/music.htm

The years creep slowly by, Lorena,

The snow is on the grass again.

The sun's low down the sky, Lorena,

The frost gleams where the flow'rs have been.

But the heart throbs on as warmly now,

As when the summer days were nigh.

Oh, the sun can never dip so low

A-down affection's cloudless sky.

A hundred months have passed, Lorena,

Since last I held that hand in mine,

And felt the pulse beat fast, Lorena,

Though mine beat faster far than thine.

A hundred months, 'twas flowery May,

When up the hilly slope we climbed,

To watch the dying of the day,

And hear the distant church bells chime.

We loved each other then, Lorena,

More than we ever dared to tell;

And what we might have been, Lorena,

Had but our lovings prospered well --

But then, 'tis past, the years are gone,

I'll not call up their shadowy forms;

I'll say to them, "Lost years, sleep on!

Sleep on! nor heed life's pelting storms."

The story of that past, Lorena,

Alas! I care not to repeat,

The hopes that could not last, Lorena,

They lived, but only lived to cheat.

I would not cause e'en one regret

To rankle in your bosom now;

For "if we try we may forget,"

Were words of thine long years ago.

Yes, these were words of thine, Lorena,

They burn within my memory yet;

They touched some tender chords, Lorena,

Which thrill and tremble with regret.

'Twas not thy woman's heart that spoke;

Thy heart was always true to me:

A duty, stern and pressing, broke

The tie which linked my soul with thee.

It matters little now, Lorena,

The past is in the eternal past;

Our heads will soon lie low, Lorena,

Life's tide is ebbing out so fast.

There is a Future! O, thank God!

Of life this is so small a part!

'Tis dust to dust beneath the sod;

But there, up there, 'tis heart to heart.

Watch Episode 4 The Civil War 1863 Simply Murder

Day 19

JUSH

May 13 4B

May 16 1A 3A

Home Top

Sing the following:

"THE BONNIE BLUE FLAG"

Watch the movie Glory

Day 20

JUSH

May 17 4B

May 18 1A 3A

Home Top

Alexander Stephens Cornerstone Speech

Ken Burns The Civil War Episode 5

Civil War Flip card Activity II: The Tide of War Turns

Do civil war true false activity in groups:

Hand out Gettysburg Address sheets

Title Field

The Gettysburg Address

The Gettysburg National Cemetery was dedicated by President Abraham Lincoln a brief four months after the Battle. Lincoln's speech lasted only two minutes, but it went into history as the immortal Gettysburg Address.

"Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation: conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war. . .testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated. . . can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war.

We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate. . .we cannot consecrate. . . we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.

It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us. . .that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion. . . that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. . . that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom. . . and that government of the people. . .by the people. . .for the people. . . shall not perish from the earth.

Day 21

JUSH

May 19 4B

May 20 1A 3A

Home Top

Finish Glory

Discussion of Sherman’s March…

Sherman's March to the Sea

Engraving by Alexander Hay Ritchie depicting Sherman's March.

Sherman's March to the Sea is the name commonly given to the Savannah Campaign conducted across Georgia during November-December 1864 by Maj. Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman of the Union Army in the American Civil War. The campaign began with Sherman's troops leaving the captured city of Atlanta, Georgia on November 15 and ended with the capture of the port of Savannah on December 21. It inflicted significant damage, particularly to industry and infrastructure (as per the doctrine of total war), and also to civilian property. A military historian wrote that Sherman "defied military principles by operating deep within enemy territory and without lines of supply or communication. He destroyed much of the South's potential and psychology to wage war."^[1]

8 External links

Background and orders for the March

Sherman's March to the Sea followed his successful Atlanta Campaign of May to September 1864. He and U.S. Army commander, Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, believed that the Civil War would end only if the Confederacy's strategic, economic, and psychological capacity for warfare were decisively broken. Sherman therefore applied the principles of scorched earth: he ordered his troops to burn crops, kill livestock, consume supplies, and destroy civilian infrastructure along their path. This policy is often considered a component strategy of total war. The recent re-election of President Abraham Lincoln ensured that short-term political pressure would not be applied to restrain these tactics.

A second objective of the campaign was more traditional. Grant's armies in Virginia continued to be in a stalemate against Robert E. Lee's army, besieged in Petersburg, Virginia. By moving in Lee's rear, performing a massive turning movement against him, Sherman could possibly increase pressure on Lee, allowing Grant the opportunity to break through, or at least keep Southern reinforcements away from Virginia.

The campaign was designed to be similar to Grant's innovative and successful Vicksburg Campaign, in that Sherman's armies would reduce their need for traditional supply lines by "living off the land" after their 20 days of rations were consumed. Foragers, known as "bummers", would provide food seized from local farms for the Army while they destroyed the railroads and the manufacturing and agricultural infrastructure of the state. The twisted and broken railroad rails that the troops heated over fires and wrapped around tree trunks and left behind became known as "Sherman's neckties".

Since the army would be out of touch with the North throughout the campaign, Sherman gave explicit orders, Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 120, regarding the conduct of the campaign. The following is an excerpt from the orders:

... IV. The army will forage liberally on the country during the march. To this end, each brigade commander will organize a good and sufficient foraging party, under the command of one or more discreet officers, who will gather, near the route traveled, corn or forage of any kind, meat of any kind, vegetables, corn-meal, or whatever is needed by the command, aiming at all times to keep in the wagons at least ten day's provisions for the command and three days' forage. Soldiers must not enter the dwellings of the inhabitants, or commit any trespass, but during a halt or a camp they may be permitted to gather turnips, potatoes, and other vegetables, and to drive in stock of their camp. To regular foraging parties must be instructed the gathering of provisions and forage at any distance from the road traveled.

V. To army corps commanders alone is entrusted the power to destroy mills, houses, cotton-gins, &c., and for them this general principle is laid down: In districts and neighborhoods where the army is unmolested no destruction of such property should be permitted; but should guerrillas or bushwhackers molest our march, or should the inhabitants burn bridges, obstruct roads, or otherwise manifest local hostility, then army commanders should order and enforce a devastation more or less relentless according to the measure of such hostility.

VI. As for horses, mules, wagons, &c., belonging to the inhabitants, the cavalry and artillery may appropriate freely and without limit, discriminating, however, between the rich, who are usually hostile, and the poor or industrious, usually neutral or friendly. Foraging parties may also take mules or horses to replace the jaded animals of their trains, or to serve as pack-mules for the regiments or brigades. In all foraging, of whatever kind, the parties engaged will refrain from abusive or threatening language, and may, where the officer in command thinks proper, give written certificates of the facts, but no receipts, and they will endeavor to leave with each family a reasonable portion for their maintenance.

VII. Negroes who are able-bodied and can be of service to the several columns may be taken along, but each army commander will bear in mind that the question of supplies is a very important one and that his first duty is to see to them who bear arms. ...

– William T. Sherman , Military Division of the Mississippi Special Field Order 120, November 9, 1864.

Sherman’s Sentinals

Opposing forces

Sherman, commanding the Military Division of the Mississippi, did not employ his entire army group in the campaign. Confederate Lt. Gen. John Bell Hood was threatening Sherman's supply line from Chattanooga, and Sherman detached two armies under Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas to deal with Hood in the Franklin-Nashville Campaign. For the Savannah Campaign, Sherman's remaining force of 62,000 men (55,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry, and 2,000 artillerymen manning 64 guns) was divided into two columns for the march:

The right wing was the Army of the Tennessee, commanded by Maj. Gen. Oliver O. Howard, consisting of two corps:

XV Corps, commanded by Maj. Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus, with the divisions of Brig. Gens. Charles R. Woods, William B. Hazen, John E. Smith, and John M. Corse.
XVII Corps, commanded by Maj. Gen. Frank Blair, Jr., with the divisions of Maj. Gen. Joseph A. Mower and Brig. Gens. Mortimer D. Leggett and Giles A. Smith.

The left wing was the Army of Georgia, commanded by Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum, also with two corps:

XIV Corps, commanded by Brig. Gen. Jefferson C. Davis, with the divisions of Brig. Gens. William P. Carlin, James D. Morgan, and Absalom Baird.
XX Corps, commanded by Brig. Gen. Alpheus S. Williams, with the divisions of Brig. Gens. Nathaniel J. Jackson, John W. Geary, and William T. Ward.

A cavalry division under Brig. Gen. Judson Kilpatrick operated in support of the two wings.

The Confederate opposition from Lt. Gen. William J. Hardee's Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida was meager. Hood had taken the bulk of forces in Georgia on his campaign to Tennessee. There were about 13,000 men remaining at Lovejoy's Station, south of Atlanta. Maj. Gen. Gustavus W. Smith's Georgia militia had about 3,050 soldiers, some of them boys and elderly men. The Cavalry Corps of Maj. Gen. Joseph Wheeler, reinforced by a brigade under Brig. Gen. William H. Jackson, had approximately 10,000 troopers. During the campaign, the Confederate War Department brought in additional men from Florida and the Carolinas, but they never were able to increase their effective force beyond 13,000.

March

The 300-mile (480 km) march began on November 15, 1864. Sherman recounted in his memoirs the scene when he left at 7 a.m. the following day:

... We rode out of Atlanta by the Decatur road, filled by the marching troops and wagons of the Fourteenth Corps; and reaching the hill, just outside of the old rebel works, we naturally paused to look back upon the scenes of our past battles. We stood upon the very ground whereon was fought the bloody battle of July 22d, and could see the copse of wood where McPherson fell. Behind us lay Atlanta, smouldering and in ruins, the black smoke rising high in air, and hanging like a pall over the ruined city. Away off in the distance, on the McDonough road, was the rear of Howard's column, the gun-barrels glistening in the sun, the white-topped wagons stretching away to the south; and right before us the Fourteenth Corps, marching steadily and rapidly, with a cheery look and swinging pace, that made light of the thousand miles that lay between us and Richmond. Some band, by accident, struck up the anthem of "John Brown's soul goes marching on;" the men caught up the strain, and never before or since have I heard the chorus of "Glory, glory, hallelujah!" done with more spirit, or in better harmony of time and place.

– William T. Sherman , Memoirs of General W.T. Sherman, Chapter 21

Sherman's March to the Sea.

Sherman's personal escort on the march was the 1st Alabama Cavalry Regiment, a unit made up entirely of Southerners who remained loyal to the Union.

The two wings of the army attempted to confuse and deceive the enemy about their destinations; the Confederates could not tell from the initial movements whether Sherman would march on Macon, Augusta, or Savannah. Howard's wing, led by Kilpatrick's cavalry, marched south along the railroad to Lovejoy's Station, which caused the defenders there to conduct a fighting retreat to Macon. The cavalry captured two Confederate guns at Lovejoy's Station, and then two more and 50 prisoners at Bear Creek Station. Howard's infantry marched through Jonesboro to Gordon, southwest of the state capital, Milledgeville. Slocum's wing, accompanied by Sherman, moved to the east, in the direction of Augusta. They destroyed the bridge across the Oconee River and then turned south.^[2]

The state legislature called for Georgians to "Die freemen rather than live [as] slaves" and fled the capital. Hardee arrived from his headquarters at Savannah and realized that that city, not Macon, was Sherman's target. He ordered the Confederate cavalry under Wheeler to harass the Federal rear and flanks while the militiamen under Smith hurried eastward to protect the seaport city. On November 23, Sherman's staff held a mock legislative session in the state capitol, jokingly voting Georgia back into the Union and playing cards.

The first real resistance was felt by Howard's right wing at the Battle of Griswoldville on November 22. Wheeler's cavalry struck Kilpatrick's, killing three and capturing 18. The infantry brigade of Brig. Gen. Charles C. Walcutt arrived to stabilize the defense, and the division of Georgia militia launched several hours of badly coordinated attacks, eventually retreating with about 1,100 casualties (of which about 600 were prisoners), versus the Union's 100.

Sherman's men destroying a railroad in Atlanta.

Several small actions followed. Wheeler and some infantry struck in a rearguard action at Ball's Ferry on November 24 and November 25. While Howard's wing was delayed near Ball's Bluff, the 1st Alabama Cavalry (a Federal regiment) engaged Confederate pickets. Overnight, Union engineers constructed a bridge 2 miles (3.2 km) away from the bluff across the Oconee River, and 200 soldiers crossed to flank the Confederate position. On November 25–26 at Sandersville, Wheeler struck at Slocum's advance guard. Kilpatrick was ordered to make a feint toward Augusta before destroying the railroad bridge at Brier Creek and moving to liberate the Camp Lawton prisoner of war camp at Millen. Kilpatrick slipped by the defensive line that Wheeler had placed near Brier Creek, but on the night of November 26 Wheeler attacked and drove the 8th Indiana and 2nd Kentucky Cavalry away from their camps at Sylvan Grove. Kilpatrick abandoned his plans to destroy the railroad bridge and he also learned that the prisoners had been moved from Camp Lawton, so he rejoined the army at Louisville. At the Battle of Buck Head Creek on November 28, Kilpatrick was surprised and nearly captured, but the 5th Ohio Cavalry halted Wheeler's advance, and Wheeler was later stopped decisively by Union barricades at Reynolds's Plantation. On December 4, Kilpatrick's cavalry routed Wheeler's at the Battle of Waynesboro.

More Union troops entered the campaign from an unlikely direction. Maj. Gen. John G. Foster dispatched 5,500 men and 10 guns under Brig. Gen. John P. Hatch from Hilton Head, hoping to assist Sherman's arrival near Savannah by securing the Charleston and Savannah Railroad. At the Battle of Honey Hill on November 30, Hatch fought a vigorous battle against G.W. Smith's 1,400 Georgia militiamen, 3 miles (4.8 km) south of Grahamville Station, South Carolina. Smith's militia fought off the Union attacks, and Hatch withdrew after suffering about 650 casualties, versus Smith's 50.

Sherman's armies reached the outskirts of Savannah on December 10 but found that Hardee had entrenched 10,000 men in good positions, and his soldiers had flooded the surrounding rice fields, leaving only narrow causeways available to approach the city. Sherman was blocked from linking up with the U.S. Navy as he had planned, so he dispatched cavalry to Fort McAllister, guarding the Ogeechee River, in hopes of unblocking his route and obtaining supplies awaiting him on the Navy ships. On December 13, William B. Hazen's division of Howard's army stormed the fort in the Battle of Fort McAllister and captured it within 15 minutes. Some of the 134 Union casualties were caused by torpedoes, a name for crude land mines that were used only rarely in the war.

Now that Sherman had connected to the Navy fleet under Rear Admiral John A. Dahlgren, he was able to obtain the supplies and siege artillery he required to invest Savannah. On December 17, he sent a message to Hardee in the city:

I have already received guns that can cast heavy and destructive shot as far as the heart of your city; also, I have for some days held and controlled every avenue by which the people and garrison of Savannah can be supplied, and I am therefore justified in demanding the surrender of the city of Savannah, and its dependent forts, and shall wait a reasonable time for your answer, before opening with heavy ordnance. Should you entertain the proposition, I am prepared to grant liberal terms to the inhabitants and garrison; but should I be forced to resort to assault, or the slower and surer process of starvation, I shall then feel justified in resorting to the harshest measures, and shall make little effort to restrain my army—burning to avenge the national wrong which they attach to Savannah and other large cities which have been so prominent in dragging our country into civil war.

– William T. Sherman , Message to William J. Hardee, December 17, 1864, recorded in his memoirs

Hardee decided not to surrender but to escape. On December 20, he led his men across the Savannah River on a pontoon bridge hastily constructed of rice flats. The next morning, Savannah Mayor R. D. Arnold rode out to formally surrender, in exchange for General Geary's promise to protect the city's citizens and their property. Sherman's men, led by Geary's division of the XX Corps, occupied the city the same day.^[3]

Aftermath

Sherman telegraphed to President Lincoln, "I beg to present you as a Christmas gift the City of Savannah, with one hundred and fifty guns and plenty of ammunition, also about twenty-five thousand bales of cotton." On December 26, the president replied in a letter:

Many, many thanks for your Christmas gift – the capture of Savannah. When you were leaving Atlanta for the Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful; but feeling that you were the better judge, and remembering that 'nothing risked, nothing gained' I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being a success, the honour is all yours; for I believe none of us went farther than to acquiesce. And taking the work of Gen. Thomas into the count, as it should be taken, it is indeed a great success. Not only does it afford the obvious and immediate military advantage; but, in showing to the world that your army could be divided, putting the stronger part to an important new service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the old opposing force of the whole – Hood's army – it brings those who sat in darkness, to see a great light. But what next? I suppose it will be safer if I leave Gen. Grant and yourself to decide. Please make my grateful acknowledgements to your whole army – officers and men.

From Savannah, Sherman marched north in the spring through the Carolinas, intending to complete his turning movement and combine his armies with Grant's against Robert E. Lee. After a successful two-month campaign, Sherman accepted the surrender of General Joseph E. Johnston and his forces in North Carolina on April 26, 1865.

We are not only fighting armies, but a hostile people, and must make old and young, rich and poor, feel the hard hand of war, as well as their organized armies. I know that this recent movement of mine through Georgia has had a wonderful effect in this respect. Thousands who had been deceived by their lying papers into the belief that we were being whipped all the time, realized the truth, and have no appetite for a repetition of the same experience.

Letter, Sherman to Henry W. Halleck, December 24, 1864.^[4]

Sherman's scorched earth policies have always been highly controversial, and Sherman's memory has long been reviled by many Southerners. Many slaves—some of whom left their plantations to follow his armies—welcomed him as a liberator. A Confederate officer estimated that 10,000 slaves fled their plantations to follow Sherman's army, and hundreds died of "hunger, disease, or exposure" along the way.^[5]

The March to the Sea was devastating to Georgia and the Confederacy. Sherman himself estimated that the campaign had inflicted $100 million in destruction, about one fifth of which "inured to our advantage" while the "remainder is simple waste and destruction."^[5] The Army wrecked 300 miles (480 km) of railroad and numerous bridges and miles of telegraph lines. It seized 5,000 horses, 4,000 mules, and 13,000 head of cattle. It confiscated 9.5 million pounds of corn and 10.5 million pounds of fodder, and destroyed uncounted cotton gins and mills.^[6] Military historians Herman Hattaway and Archer Jones cited the significant damage wrought to railroads and Southern logistics in the campaign and stated that "Sherman's raid succeeded in 'knocking the Confederate war effort to pieces'."^[7] David J. Eicher wrote that "Sherman had accomplished an amazing task. He had defied military principles by operating deep within enemy territory and without lines of supply or communication. He destroyed much of the South's potential and psychology to wage war."^[1]

Consequences of the March

Sherman's march frightened and appalled Southerners. It hurt morale, for civilians had believed the Confederacy could protect the home front.

Sherman's March to the Sea

Sherman had terrorized the countryside; his men had destroyed all sources of food and forage and had left behind a hungry and demoralized people. Although he did not level any towns, he did destroy buildings in places where there was resistance. His men had shown little sympathy for Millen, the site of Camp Lawton, where Union prisoners of war were held. Physical attacks on white civilians were few, although it is not known how slave women fared at the hands of the invaders. Often male slaves posted guards outside the cabins of their women.

Confederate president Jefferson Davis had urged Georgians to undertake a scorched-earth policy of poisoning wells and burning fields, but civilians in the army's path had not done so. Sherman, however, burned or captured all the food stores that Georgians had saved for the winter months. As a result of the hardships on women and children, desertions increased in Robert E. Lee's army in Virginia. Sherman believed his campaign against civilians would shorten the war by breaking the Confederate will to fight, and he eventually received permission to carry this psychological warfare into South Carolina in early 1865. By marching through Georgia and South Carolina he became an archvillain in the South and a hero in the North.

Song

Sherman's March to the Sea was celebrated in music in 1865 with words by S.H.M. Byers and music by J.O. Rockwell.

The soldiers sang many songs during the March, but it is one written afterward that has come to symbolize the campaign: Marching Through Georgia, written by Henry Clay Work in 1865. Sherman despised the song, in part because he was never one to rejoice over a fallen foe, and in part because it was played at almost every public appearance that he attended,^[8] but it was widely popular with soldiers of wars in the 20th century. The song underrates the strength of Sherman's army by 20% in the line "Sing it as we used to sing it, 50,000 strong."

Speech

Fellow Countrymen:

At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him?

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said 'the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether'.

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.

This speech inspired more book titles than any speech in American History

March 1864

April 1865

Notes--take notes:

The Role of Black Americans in the Civil War

At the start of the Civil War—it was about secession/saving the Union. Most white Americans liked it this way and accepted this reason for the war.

Slaves and free blacks—Fredrick Douglass--knew at the outset that the war was about SLAVERY.

Slavery was the root cause of the war. They worked to turn the war from an argument over states rights to a war over the meaning of freedom.

Start by running away when Union troops invade the South—they run to the Union camps and the Union does not know what to do with them.

Lincoln even discouraged the slaves from running away for fear that more states would leave the Union.

By 1863 hundreds of thousands of black people had fled to the Union—one of the greatest movements of people in American history.

Ex-slaves a huge expense for the North—use them for labor (digging), guides (they knew the south), spies/scouts, and they set up refugee camps for their relatives.

Women used as cooks and nurses.

Much of the work the men did was “dirty”—work that white soldiers would not do.

As the Northern army advanced south—the slaves who could not run away because of distance simply stopped working—the men that force them to work were off fighting.

They were all waiting for the “Day of Jubilee” when they were officially proclaimed free.

Many southern soldiers deserted to go back home and force the slaves to work. This weakens the Confederate Army.

As the death-toll climbed folks start thinking about using Blacks in the fight.

Why was Lincoln not willing to do this?

Border states might leave

Fight becomes a fight over slavery—he said it was not

Admitting that Blacks were equal to Whites as far as soldiering

Blacks wanted to fight.

Why did Blacks want to fight?

Show what they can do

Once they fight they can demand freedom

Once they are free they can demand citizenship

Valor (bravery in war) = respect

Lincoln in 1862 starts to change his mind about letting the Black man in the fight.

He frees the slaves for political reasons:

Slavery collapsing anyway

Public opinion growing to let slaves fight

We would look better to Europeans if we did not have slavery and

allowed the Black man to fight

1^st step—Emancipate (free) the slaves

2^nd step--Allow them to be trained to fight

189,000 Black men fight (Blacks are 1% of the population and 10% of the fighting force).

156,000 are former slaves in Army and Navy.

They are segregated—and they are under the command of White men in the Army. In the Navy Blacks fight right beside Whites at sea.

The North’s Black Soldiers were named the “Sable Army”

· First operated mainly in the North—guarding black refugee camps from Confederate raiders.

· Segregated units in the Army—that means blacks were separated from whites.

· Integrated units in the Navy—side by side whites on the ships.

Black soldiers fought famously at Port Hudson, Fort Battery Wagner (Glory), Fort Pillow, Nashville, Vicksburg, Petersburg, the Carolinas, Virginia and in the Mississippi River Valley

They become one tenth of the Union’s fighting force—they become an “Army of Liberation” in 1864 rescuing thousands of slaves held behind Confederate lines.

Their bravery and valor make it certain that after the Civil War is won by the North—the Thirteenth Amendment will be ratified and the “Day of Jubilee” will officially arrive freeing the black people from 246 years of bondage (1619-1865).

Blacks faced special dangers

· Fugitive slaves and black soldiers were killed or viciously beaten when captured.

· Executed immediately when captured in uniform.

· Mistreated by own side—Union troops.

· Refugee camps were horrible places of disease and filth

· Blacks did the heaviest most dangerous fighting (lead charge at Battery Wagner)

· Discriminated against in their pay, food and supplies

· Blacks in the hands of Confederates were treated much more harshly than before the war.

African Americans, by responding the way they did during the war forced the war to be about slavery—even though folks (Lincoln) denied it.

· Fundamental issue of the war

· Even Confederates knew the war was about Slavery

· Just before the ceremonies at Appomattox Courthouse the Southern Government passed a law that said slaves would be free if they fought for the South

Senator Howell Cobb of Georgia said:

“You cannot make soldiers of slaves or slaves of soldiers. The day you make a soldier of them is the beginning of the end of the revolution, and if slaves seem good soldiers, then our whole theory of slavery is wrong!”

Americans North and South end the Civil War knowing and understanding what the slaves had known and understood from the beginning: this great war spelled the destruction of slavery.

Day 22

JUSH

May 23 4B

May 24 1A 3A

Home Top

Diplomacy—relationship with other countries. The relationship we (the North) have with foreign countries—will ultimately dictate the outcome of the war. Whoever gets the help of England or France will win.

Day 23

JUSH

May 25 4B

May 26 1A 3A

Home Top

1. At the beginning of the Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln favored a quick military action that would show the folly of secession.

2. The South’s victory at Bull Run I in 1861 reduced enlistments in the South’s army.

3. The Union defeat in battle at Bull Run in 1861 was better than a victory in some ways because it caused Northerners to buckle down to the task of a long and difficult war.

4. General George B. McClellan is best described as;

Loved by his men

Cautious

Very intelligent

Disrespectful to his commander Lincoln

5. As a result of the Confederate victory in the Peninsula Campaign (Yorktown, VA) the Union turned to a strategy of total war.

6. The final Union war strategy was composed of

Naval blockade

Ruining the South’s economy

Seizing control of the Mississippi

7. Britain did not protest too loudly about the Northern blockade because it might want to use a similar blockade in future wars.

8. The most alarming threat to the Union blockade came from the ironclad Merricack.

9. In the Civil War the South won the Battles of Bull Run I & II, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville.

10. One of the key factors in enabling the Union to stop the Confederate thrust into the north at Antietam, Maryland was the Union’s discovery of Robert E. Lee’s battle plans wrapped around three cigars.

11. When issued in 1863, the Emancipation Proclamation declared free only those slaves in states still in rebellion against the United States.

12. The Battle of Antietam was particularly crucial because it probably prevented intervention of England and France on behalf of the South (Confederacy).

13. The two major battles of the Civil War fought on Northern (Union) soil were Antietam (MD) and Gettysburg (PA).

14. The North’s “victory” at Antietam allowed President Lincoln to issue the Emancipation Proclamation.

15. Slavery was legally abolished in the United States by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.

16. The Emancipation Proclamation had the effect of strengthening the moral cause and the diplomatic position of the United states.

17. Things that occurred because of the Emancipation Proclamation

Opposition mounted in the North against supporting an “abolition war”

Union desertions increased sharply

Congressional elections went heavily against Lincoln’s party

European working class favored the “Free” Union

18. During the Civil War blacks were enlisted into the Union Army only after the Emancipation Proclamation was issued.

19. African-Americans who fought for the Union Army in the Civil War served bravely and suffered extremely heavy casualties. (Massachusetts 54^th)

20. The Battle of Gettysburg was significant because it meant that the Southern Cause was doomed.

21. The Union victory at Vicksburg, Georgia was of major importance because:

It reopened the Mississippi to Northern trade

It with the victory at Gettysburg put an end to all southern hope of foreign help

It helped quiet northern peace protests/agitation

22. One consequence of General William T. Sherman’s style of warfare was a shorter war that saved lives.

23. The group in the North most dangerous to the Union cause was the Northern Peace Democrats.

24. Clement L. Vallandigham, a Southern sympathizer and vocal opponent of the war, was derisively labeled a Copperhead.

25. In the election of 1864, the Republicans (Lincoln), joined with the pro-war Democrats and founded the Union party.

26. In the 1864 election, Abe Lincoln ran on the Union ticket.

27. In the 1864 election, the Democratic party nominated George McClellan to oppose Lincoln’s re-election.

28. The Union army’s victory and the capture of Atlanta was probably critical to Lincoln’s re-election in 1864.

29. General Ulysses S. Grant’s basic strategy in the Civil War involved assailing the enemy’s armies at the same time (simultaneously).

30. The assassination of Abraham Lincoln was a disaster for the South.

31. The Civil War was the supreme test of our democracy.

32. Things happened in the following order:

1. Bull Run

2. Antietam

3. Gettysburg, Vicksburg

4. Lee surrender’s at Appomattox Courthouse

33. Lincoln was able to win the election of 1864 because of Union military victories and the backing of Union soldiers who he let go home to vote.

34. Extreme states’ rights and black slavery in the United States were casualties of the Civil War along with 600,000 dead men.

Identify and state the historical significance of the following in Johnson, Schweikert, Zinn, or your text.

Clement L. Vallandigham-notorious Copperhead, convicted of treason, who ran for governor of Ohio while exiled to Canada

Ulysses S. Grant- a Union commander who first made his reputation in the West and was moved East after his victory at Vicksburg

Andrew Johnson- a pro-Union War Democrat from the South who ran as Lincoln’s VP in 1864

George B. McClellan- a Northern General who rejected his party’s Copperhead platform and ran for President against Lincoln in 1864.

John Wilkes Booth- an actor who sealed the fate of the South by assassinating Abe Lincoln

William T. Sherman- a ruthless northern general who waged a brutal march through Georgia

Robert E. Lee- a gentlemanly Southern commander who commanded the Army of Northern Virginia

George B. Meade- a Northern commander who was able to stand up to Robert E. Lee at the Battle of Gettysburg.

Thomas J. Jackson-Daring southern commander killed at Chancellorsville

Salmon P. Chase- Lincoln’s Secretary of the Treasury who wanted to be president in 1864.

Merrimack- a Southern ironclad that severely threatened the North’s naval blockade.

Virginia- a Southern “blockade runner” and merchant raider that did the most damage to the Union Fleet

Monitor- a Northern ironclad that fought the Merrimack to a draw and made all other ships obsolete

Emancipation Proclamation- an action by Lincoln that did not free any slaves but changed the moral cause of the Civil War

13^th Amendment- amendment that actually freed the slaves after the South was subdued in the Civil War

Copperheads- a party of politicians who believed the war could not be “won” and a negotiated settlement with the South would be better

Union Party- a combination of Republicans and War Democrats who elected Abe Lincoln in 1864

1^st Bull Run- The first “battle” of the Civil War”. Won by the South but awakened the North to the realization that the war would be a hard, sacrificial affair.

Antietam- Critical battle of the war.Though a draw militarily it gave Lincoln a chance to issue the Emancipation Proclamation and virtually assure that the English and French would not help the south.

Doctrine of ultimate destination/continuous voyage- a tradition that says any neutral ship can not be impeded on the open sea by a warring nation.

Day 23

JUSH

May 28, 1A & 3A

June 1 4B

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Grant Website: Ulysses S. Grant

Notes (18): Why the Union Won

Nathan Bedford Forrest

How many horses did N.B. Forrest have shot out from under him?

What was his order when he found himself surrounded by Union Soldiers?

The Crater

What simple tool did the Union commanders fail to provide as a way out of the crater?

Where did they dig the hole for the crater?

Most Hallowed Ground

Whose front yard became Arlington National Cemetery, the Union’s most hallowed ground?

Whose idea was this?

Washington, March 4, 1865

Who accompanied Lincoln to Richmond after it had fallen into Union hands?

Appomattox

When did Lee surrender to Grant, marking the end of the Civil War?

Describe what each man was wearing.

Who owned the house where Lee and Grant met? What is the weird thing about this?

Robert E. Lee – Lee was the General of the Confederate troops. Lee was very successful in many battles, but was defeated at Antietam in 1862 when he retreated across the Potomac. This halt of Lee's troops justified Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Lee was later defeated at Gettysburg by General Mead's Union troops. He eventually surrendered to General Grant at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865.
Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson – Jackson was Lee's chief lieutenant, killed by own men at Chancellorsville.
Ulysses Simpson Grant – Grant was a Northern general who helped gain victory for the Union. His first successful victories came at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson on the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers in February, 1862 where he earned the nickname “Unconditional Surrender” Grant to go with his initials, U.S. These victories opened a door for the Union to the rest of the south. Eventually Grant was given command of the Union forces attacking Vicksburg. This would be his greatest victory of the war. Grant was made General-in-Chief after several more impressive victories near Chattanooga. Grant's final victory came when he defeated General Robert E. Lee at Richmond and forced him to surrender at Appomattox Court House in Virginia in April 1865.

William Seward – Seward was a senator from New York who was for anti-slavery, was very religious, and would not compromise. He later became the major rival of Abraham Lincoln for the presidency. When Lincoln won the presidency, he became the Secretary of State. He had a nickname of "Higher Law" due to his religious beliefs in Christianity and unwillingness to compromise on slavery.
Edwin M. Stanton — Stanton was a politician who succeeded Simon Cameron as Secretary of War around 1860. He caused a kind of civil war within Congress by opposing Lincoln at almost every turn. This only added to the problems that Lincoln had to deal with during the Civil War.
Trent Affair — This was an occurrence where a Union warship stopped a British ship, the Trent, which was taking two confederate officers to England in 1861 from the coast of Cuba. This event angered the British and nearly caused a war with Britain. This shows the separation between North and South at the time and how Britain had leanings toward the South.

Jefferson Davis — From 1860-1865, Davis was the president of the southern Confederate States of America after their secession from the Union. During this time he struggled to form a solid government for the states. From the beginning, he lacked the power necessary for a strong government because the southerners believed in states’ rights. Aside from being sick, he worked hard with solidifying the civil government and carrying out military operations. The truth of the matter is that no one could have pulled it off successfully.
George B. McClellan — George B. McClellan was a general for northern command of the Army of the Potomac in 1861. He was nicknamed "Tardy George" because of his failure to move troops to Richmond. He lost the battle vs. General Lee near the Chesapeake Bay then Lincoln fired him, twice. He later ran for president in 1864 against Lincoln and lost.
William Tecumseh Sherman — Sherman commanded the Union army in Tennessee. In September of 1864, his troops captured Atlanta, Georgia. He then headed to take Savannah. This was his famous/infamous "March to the Sea." His troops burnt barns and houses, and destroyed the countryside. His march showed a shift in the belief that only military targets should be destroyed. Civilian centers could also be targets. He is famous for his quote, “War is hell.”
Merrimack — The Merrimack was a former wooden warship turned into an ironclad. The Confederates plated it with iron railroad rails. They renamed it the Virginia. The Virginia easily wrecked Union Navy ships and threatened to destroy the whole Navy. The Confederates later destroyed the ship to keep it from the Union. This marked the end of wooden ships.
Monitor – This was a small Union ironclad built in about 100 days to stop the Confederate ship, the Merrimack. The Merrimack, which was a former U.S. wooden warship that destroyed two wooden Union ships in the Chesapeake Bay and threatened the Yankees’ plan of blockading all Southern ports. The Union built the Monitor and transported it to the Chesapeake. On March 9, 1862, in 4 hours, the Monitor, or the "Yankee cheese-box on a raft," fought the Merrimack "to a standstill."
Thirteenth Amendment — This Amendment was made to forbid slavery, making slavery and involuntary servitude both illegal. This Amendment was ratified in 1865, after the war was over. The South had to ratify it to be readmitted to the Union.